Journalists in Seoul were less than impressed when they recently received a set of questions from Yoon Suk-yeol’s presidential office that seemed more like an interrogation than a form to apply for media access.

The document on “identity verification” asked journalists to reveal their wealth, political donations or affiliations, along with similar prying questions about their spouses, parents and close acquaintances. 

As reporters voiced their outrage, the spokesperson explained in a group chat that the relocation of the presidential office required enhanced security. Foreign correspondents, meanwhile, were bewildered by sections about their parents’ occupations and whether they had relatives in North Korea.

But one reporter at a major local paper raised an entirely different concern in the group messenger, asking why the presidential office had released the questionnaire without consulting with the press club. The correspondent was seemingly less concerned about the invasive questions than by the violation of the press club reporters’ prerogatives.

While the presidential office removed the controversial sections from the questionnaire, the incident and reporter’s response highlighted the often too cozy relationship between press clubs and public officials in South Korea. The two have worked in tandem to shape the media environment to their own advantage, in ways that have weakened the fundamental watchdog role of the press in a democratic society.

South Korean reporters at Cheong Wa Dae in Seoul with then-President Moon Jae-in on Aug. 18, 2017 | Image: Cheong Wa Dae’s YouTube

MEMBERS ONLY

It all begins in reporters’ lounges, which are located in the presidential office, all 18 government ministries and most state-run organizations. Offering workspace and WiFi, a briefing area and a refreshment corner, the facilities are generally open to all registered media.

But access is not equal. An exclusive pool of correspondents controls the flow of information and access to press briefings and events. Recognized unofficially as “pool reporters” by ministry staff, club members claim the best cubicles and front row seats at important media events. They also enjoy advance copies of press releases and regular access to key government figures, who provide important insights and tip-offs on crucial policies and issues in off-the-record “back briefings.”

“If you’re not in the exclusive pool, you have to do your own digging and form networks to pool information, particularly among junior reporters and those who aren’t in the press club,” according to Hwang Ho-jun, a former Blue House correspondent.

The threshold for membership is high. It can be contingent on not only a journalist’s rate of attendance at reporters’ lounges and the size of their media organization, but also a PowerPoint presentation pitch by a correspondent, the length of their career in journalism and his or her overall congeniality.

Journalists make painstaking efforts for months or even years to win over press club members, whose votes of approval must exceed 60% to gain entry at relatively easygoing ministries or even 90% at judicial institutions and the presidential office.

COOPED UP AT MINISTRIES

It’s far from certain whether press club members’ hard-earned privileges have led to better journalism. 

For a democracy to thrive, reporters on the ground should bring to light diverse perspectives and serve a broad range of interests. But South Korean reporters all “flock to the institution, unlike foreign reporters who talk to people in the street,” according to Park Jae-yung, a professor of media at Korea University. 

Park’s research in 2020 shows 70-92% of reporters at South Korea’s largest media companies are assigned to government ministries, courts and the National Assembly, commuting to these places every day and rarely leaving the premises. 

Their stories are filed from government cubicles, with their bylines decorating barely tweaked copies of press releases. A 2019 survey found 49% of all TV news content was based on press releases, while original reporting accounted for only 15%. 

A press briefing at South Korea’s foreign ministry in Seoul on Dec. 29, 2021 | Image: Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ YouTube

Even when venturing outside the reporters’ lounges, their enterprise stories are government-focused and often overlap, featuring the same issues, angles and even quotes from the same experts. This is hardly surprising as ministry correspondents move in the same circle every day.

As a result, the Korean public is bombarded with “urgent” news flashes of government-related news that fail to resonate or inspire.

“The press club culture that’s centered on government ministries has instilled the notion that ‘exclusives’ based on sources within government is the recipe for a good article,” said Park. “This creates a misunderstanding of what news actually is.”

Press clubs’ efforts are thus often misdirected toward preserving exclusivity at any given opportunity, barring other outlets from accessing vital information and attending key events.  

Without early press releases, non-press club media do not have the same luxury of time to prepare in-depth reports and prearrange interviews with top experts. As they’re shut out from closed-door Q&A sessions on key policies, they also lose the chance to grill policymakers in the interest of smaller regions, communities and minorities they represent.

As a result, the range of issues and views that are brought to public attention become severely limited to mainstream topics and views, rather than serving diverse segments of South Korean society.

South Korean journalists film President Yoon Suk-yeol as he presides over a meeting on May 13, 2022 | Image: South Korea’s Presidential Office

DAMAGING DEMOCRACY

Most mainstream reporters would argue the current system is working. 

“Having press clubs with vetted members ensures a high standard of reporting, and keeping correspondents in government buildings keeps authorities in check,” a former broadcast reporter for YTN told Korea Pro. 

But the reality appears to be the opposite.

For one, by lapping up press releases and reporting mainly on ministry activities, journalists are handing over their agenda-setting power to the government. And by monopolizing access to key sources and information, press clubs are actually shielding officials from scrutiny by other outlets. 

Moreover, correspondents won’t bite the hand that feeds them. A good relationship with officials is crucial to maintaining the flow of information and privileges. Press secretaries can pull the strings by rewarding journalists on their best behavior, or punishing those who they see as troublesome.

After all, it is not public officials but reporters themselves who vote to sanction fellow journalists for breaking government-set embargos or offending ministry officials by “denting the press club’s reputation.” Punishments can include buying pizza and hamburgers for their peers, a ban from getting press releases, being banished from the ministry for months and even having their correspondent status canceled.

Through such self-regulation and self-censorship, the press club system disciplines journalists without the government having to lift a finger to control the flow of information.

The 2014 Sewol Ferry incident is a prime example of how a complacent media environment led to journalistic failure. The nation’s biggest broadcaster refrained from reporting that the ship had capsized after a phone call from the presidential office. Then, journalists briefed on the situation merely parroted the press secretary’s remarks, erroneously declaring all on the boat had survived. 

Since then, South Koreans’ trust in media has been critically low, scoring the worst among some 40 countries in a 2018 Reuters Institute Survey. 

Despite growing calls and even petitions to close down reporters’ lounges, the press cartel system has prevailed, preserving a culture of privilege that hurts the public interest.

“It’s up to the newsrooms to initiate change and pursue real journalism that benefits public interest,” Park of Korea University told Korea Pro. 

Edited by Bryan Betts