Lee Jae-myung has ignited a political firestorm by rebranding South Korea’s Democratic Party (DP) as “centrist-conservative,” a move that could either broaden his appeal or alienate his progressive base.

His claim that this has long-been the stance of the party has triggered intense debate over the DP’s ideological identity, with supporters calling it a strategic shift and critics accusing him of rewriting history. The ruling People Power Party (PPP) dismissed Lee’s claim, questioning his integrity.

The controversy spotlights broader shifts in South Korea’s political spectrum as parties reposition themselves in an increasingly polarized landscape. Experts suggest Lee’s move is a calculated effort to appeal to centrist voters, but whether his rebranding effort succeeds will depend on how the public perceives his policies rather than his rhetoric.

DEFINING PARTY IDENTITY

The DP, which holds 170 seats in the National Assembly, is now grappling with an identity crisis sparked by Lee’s assertion that the party has always been “a centrist-conservative party focused on growth.” His claim, made on Feb. 19, represents a marked departure from the DP’s long-standing association with progressive policies.

Lee defended his characterization by arguing that the DP has historically shifted its emphasis depending on the political climate. In his view, when progressive policies were needed, the party leaned left, but when conservative values were in demand, it leaned right. He also cited former presidents Kim Dae-jung and Moon Jae-in as evidence that the party has consistently balanced centrist and conservative tendencies.

However, his remarks have met significant resistance within the DP. Former Prime Minister Kim Bu-gyeom called Lee’s statement an “overreach,” arguing that a party’s identity cannot be unilaterally changed. Former South Gyeongsang Province Governor Kim Kyoung-soo echoed this sentiment, warning that party identity must be rooted in historical continuity, not personal declarations.

The PPP has also attacked Lee’s claim, with floor leader Kwon Seong-dong highlighting Lee’s past description of U.S. forces in South Korea as an “occupation army” and his opposition to the country’s chaebol system as evidence that he is far from conservative.

Meanwhile, DP Supreme Council member Kim Min-seok defended Lee’s remarks, asserting that the party has always incorporated moderate conservative elements. He pointed to the DP’s emphasis on democracy, economic growth and security and peace as foundational values that align with a centrist-conservative stance.

From left: Presidents Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in during their terms in office | Image: ROK Presidential Archives, Moon Jae-in Blue House, edited by Korea Pro

HISTORICAL ROOTS AND INTERPRETATION

The debate over Lee’s statement has prompted a reassessment of the DP’s historical evolution. The party traces its origins to 1955, when it was founded as an opposition force against Syngman Rhee’s authoritarian rule. It briefly held power in 1960 following the April 19 Revolution, which led to Rhee’s ouster, but was disbanded after Park Chung-hee’s military coup in 1961.

Over the decades, the DP has undergone multiple transformations, but it has consistently positioned itself as the primary opposition to authoritarianism, challenging the autocratic rule of leaders such as Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan. This anti-authoritarian legacy has long been central to the party’s identity.

Jung Sung-ho, a five-term DP lawmaker, defended Lee’s assertions by citing historical figures such as independence leader Kim Gu and former President Kim Dae-jung, pointing to them as evidence that the DP has always contained centrist elements. However, Rhee Jong-hoon, a senior consultant at Politics and Business Consulting, argued that the DP has historically leaned center-left.

“Using such historical examples to argue that the DP has always been centrist-conservative is misleading,” Rhee told Korea Pro, adding that the real question is whether voters will perceive Lee’s shift as genuine. He suggested that many centrist voters may remain skeptical.

Jang Yong-geun, a constitutional law professor at Hongik University, also dismissed Lee’s attempt to redefine the DP’s past, noting that while Kim Gu’s views allow him to be claimed by progressives and conservatives alike, “Kim Dae-jung was fundamentally a progressive.”

Main opposition Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung and the leaders of four minor opposition parties after forming a progressive coalition, Feb. 19, 2025 | Image: Yong Hye-in’s Naver Blog

A STRATEGIC POLITICAL MOVE

Some analysts argue that Lee’s self-branding as a centrist conservative is less about historical accuracy and more about electoral strategy. With polls indicating a closing gap between the DP and the PPP, Lee appears to be positioning himself as a moderate alternative to the ruling party.

Gallup Korea’s latest poll shows the DP at 40%, six percentage points ahead of the PPP, but public opinion is fluid as evidenced by the PPP leading by one point the previous week. Jang of Hongik University contended that the DP’s current lead in the polls has less to do with Lee’s ideological repositioning and more to do with dissatisfaction with the PPP.

“It’s not that people suddenly believe Lee is conservative,” Jang said. “It’s that the PPP has failed to present a compelling alternative, focusing more on attacking the opposition than addressing voters’ concerns.”

Notably, besides the fact that the majority of PPP lawmakers refused to vote to impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol for his Dec. 3 martial law declaration, they have also failed to distance themselves from the president’s unsubstantiated remarks about Chinese and North Korean operations having helped to rig last April’s general election in the DP’s favor.

Lee’s political maneuvering is further reflected in the DP’s recent coalition-building efforts. The party has formed an alliance with four minor opposition parties under the banner of the “Roundtable for Ending Rebellion, Protecting Democratic Constitutional Order, and Creating a New Republic of Korea.”

This coalition aims to counter what it calls “far-right forces, including the PPP,” and strengthen opposition unity ahead of a potential early presidential election.

At the same time, the PPP has faced scrutiny for its own ideological alignment. On Feb. 22, PPP lawmaker Jang Dong-hyuk attended a national prayer meeting organized by Save Korea, a prominent evangelical group that has vocally supported Yoon. During the event, Jang declared, “God will surely lead our war to victory. I will continue to stand by the president until the end.”

Such statements have fueled criticism that the PPP is aligning itself with hard-right religious groups, reinforcing Lee’s claim that the ruling party has moved away from traditional conservatism.

Main opposition Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung and other party lawmakers greet citizens ahead of the Lunar New Year holiday, June 24. 2025 | Image: Democratic Party of Korea

POLICY OVER IDEOLOGY

While Lee’s rebranding of the DP has dominated political discourse, some within the party argue that policy should take precedence over ideological labels. Kim Hyun, a DP lawmaker, described Lee’s statement as a reflection of pragmatic governance, emphasizing that the party has always focused on economic growth while adapting to changing political circumstances.

However, Shin Yul, a political science professor at Myongji University, is skeptical that the DP’s rhetoric will translate into an actual ideological shift.

“The key question is whether the public will genuinely believe the DP has become a centrist party,” Shin said. “The answer is no.”

Looking ahead, Rhee of Politics and Business Consulting believes South Korea’s political landscape would be healthier if the two major parties positioned themselves as center-left and center-right, rather than gravitating toward ideological extremes.

Jang suggested that voters are now less concerned with political labels and more focused on tangible policies. “People don’t just listen to slogans anymore,” he said. “They judge politicians based on their actual policies and track record.”

He added that unless Lee makes substantial policy shifts — particularly in economic liberalization and national security — his claim of being a centrist conservative will remain more political rhetoric than reality.

“At the end of the day, political identity isn’t about what you say — it’s about what you do,” Jang told Korea Pro.

Edited by John Lee