  Analysis How South Korea’s democratic decay has worsened under President Yoon Suk-yeolIn-depth Korea Pro analysis points to sustained erosion of democratic norms, continuing trends that began under Moon Chad O'CarrollJuly 1, 2024  An illustration of a shattered South Korean flag | Image: Korea Pro South Korea has experienced systematic and sustained erosion of democratic norms and institutions since President Yoon Suk-yeol took office in May 2022, according to a comprehensive Korea Pro analysis of multiple indicators, with trends that began under the conservative president’s predecessor not only continuing but significantly worsening in some cases. In the July 2020 journal article “South Korea’s Democratic Decay,” Stanford professor Gi-wook Shin generated heated debate by arguing that a series of actions by then-ROK President Moon Jae-in — including politically motivated investigations, infringements on press freedom, social polarization and the suppression of civil society — underscored democratic backsliding under the progressive administration. However, Korea Pro’s analysis suggests that despite Yoon’s bold and regular rhetoric about the importance of freedom, democracy and human rights — trends Shin flagged as evidence of democratic backsliding in 2020 — those trends have continued unabated, with South Korea’s performance even worsening in other areas. The key trendlines from the past two years that point to democratic backsliding include:
But that is not to say that the state of the country’s democracy has backtracked in every way. For instance, despite Yoon’s reputation for being “anti-feminist,” multiple datasets indicate that South Korea’s global ranking on issues of gender equality has improved from administration to administration. Consistency between the Yoon and Moon administrations is also notable in a range of areas, suggesting the structure of South Korean politics creates inherent challenges that persist across different governments.  An illustration of Seoul’s skyline turning black and white | Image: Korea Pro POLITICAL INVESTIGATIONS AND APPOINTMENTS One of the clearest parallels between the two administrations is the use of politically motivated investigations to target opponents and critics, as well as appointments of politically convenient individuals to key postings. After the protests that ended the Park administration, the professor Shin pointed to the Moon administration’s campaign of “eradicating deep-rooted evils” as being particularly problematic when it came to upholding democratic norms. Shin and others have cited extensive investigations and purges by the Moon government surrounding decisions made by the foreign and unification ministries, as well as the spy service and education ministry, as attempts to settle political scores with the former Park Geun-hye administration. Further, Shin pointed to arrests of senior judges and appointment of left-leaning former judges and prosecutors to high-level presidential office positions as evidence of blurring the lines between presidential power and judicial independence. All these trends have continued under Yoon. Extensive investigations, raids and purges have taken place regarding the actions of key Moon-era personnel in the spy service, defense, unification, industry, ICT and energy ministries with part of this process leading to the indictment of former national security advisor Suh Hoon. Likewise, investigations into opposition leader Lee Jae-myung and the main opposition Democratic Party’s think tank raised eyebrows and fueled accusations of political retribution. Meanwhile, Yoon’s placement of friendly figures, prosecutor colleagues and other acquaintances in positions of power triggered concerns about the abuse of public authority. Though these factors are persistent phenomena in South Korean politics, the situation appears to have worsened under Yoon compared to the Moon Jae-in era. This may be why the ROK dropped so much during the Yoon administration on the V-Dem’s Liberal Democracy Index, which ranks countries according to their performance in areas such as judicial independence, separation of powers and checks and balances within political systems:
A similar trend can be observed in the Economist Intelligence Unit’s “Democracy Index,” which shows South Korea rising to its highest-ever ranking of 16 in the penultimate year of Moon Jae-in’s presidency and dropping to 24 in the first year of the Yoon administration:
DETERIORATING FREEDOM OF SPEECH A closer examination of the state of freedom of speech under the Moon and Yoon administrations reveals a disturbing pattern of sustained government hostility toward individuals and media outlets critical of their policies. Under Moon, the government’s approach to media criticism was characterized by a mix of heavy-handed tactics and subtle pressure, Shin wrote in 2020. In particular, he cited several areas of concern: a “war on fake news” that urged state agencies to report false or misleading news, the suing of a professor for telling readers to avoid voting for the Democratic Party, think tanks being pressured to not “write or say anything” that will “upset the administration” and defunding of the U.S.-Korea Institute in Washington for rejecting a Blue House demand to fire its conservative-leaning director. Jung Pak of the Brookings Institute later drew attention to the Moon administration’s repression of local North Korea human rights NGOs during the 2018-2019 summits with Pyongyang as evidence of undue interference in ROK citizens’ right to freedom of expression. Fast-forward to 2024 and evidence suggests the Yoon administration has not only continued this trend but has taken it to new heights, with Korea Pro’s investigation showing a particular sensitivity to reports about the president and the first lady. Evidence includes:
Further, the Yoon administration has charged individuals and organizations for alleged breaches of the National Security Act at a level much higher than under Moon Jae-in, 2023 data shows. Though the year Yoon took power showed a decline in the use of the law against government critics, cases shot up to nearly 60 in his first full year of leadership. Use of the law tends to increase under conservative-leaning presidencies, as the data shows also during the Park Geun-hye era:
With high-profile use of the law on occasions like the indictment of senior officials at a major trade union, the investigation of a liberal opposition lawmaker, raids on two regional trade union offices and the targeting of activists, some in the ROK speculate that there has been a deliberate “ramping up” of national security investigations under the Yoon administration. Additionally, South Korea has also dropped significantly in international press freedom rankings during Yoon’s presidency. In 2023, the ROK fell four spots to 47 on a ranking of the world’s most free press environments. In 2024, the ROK dropped to 62nd place. This follows progress during the Moon administration when the ROK floated between 41st and 43rd place:
But legal action and coercion toward journalists have not been the only weapon in the government’s arsenal. Both the Moon and Yoon administrations sought to delegitimize and undermine the credibility of the media in the eyes of the public. Shin drew attention to Moon’s “war on fake news,” with the administration encouraging citizens to report “false or misleading news accounts” to law enforcement. Yoon, too, has regularly spoken about the issue of fake news, suggesting it is a major threat to democratic decision-making systems. “Fake news threatens elections, which are the foundation of democracy, by inciting people to make wrong decisions based on information that is not true,” Yoon said during the third Summit for Democracy in March. “This is a clear provocation and challenge against democracy.” The cumulative effect of these actions has been to create an increasingly hostile environment for the press in South Korea.  Korea Queer Culture Festival 2014, June 7, 2014 | Image: Piotrus via Wikimedia Commons, Edited by Korea Pro MARGINALIZED COMMUNITIES’ STRUGGLE Though Shin’s 2020 analysis didn’t look closely at how the Moon administration treated South Korea’s marginalized communities, policies that recognize and protect women and marginalized communities reflect a commitment to equality and non-discrimination, which are cornerstones of democratic governance. A comparative analysis of the treatment of marginalized communities, particularly LGBTQ+ individuals and people with disabilities, under the Moon and Yoon administrations reveals a troubling lack of progress and, in some cases, a deterioration of rights and protections. Under Moon, negative developments included his opposition to homosexuality during his presidential election campaign, his failure to enact anti-discrimination laws for the marginalized and little progress on the gender pay gap or military regulations surrounding gay personnel. In contrast, positives under Moon were a record number of women appointed to high government positions, policies protecting women’s rights, a dramatic increase in the minimum wage, expanded social welfare and some progress on the military’s anti-sodomy law. On the other hand, the Yoon administration has overseen or stood idle by a number of developments that appear to have set the ROK back further regarding the status of marginalized communities. Key developments include:
At a macro level, however, there has been some ongoing progress under the Yoon administration, especially relating to the treatment of women in South Korea. Reflecting a trend that’s occurred throughout the past decade, South Korea has improved its position on the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index, which tracks gender parity across four key dimensions. Despite a slight setback in 2023, South Korea improved to its best ranking ever in 2024, the data shows. However, it’s important to note that progress in South Korea still places it only at rank 94 for 2024, adjacent to nations like Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador and Zambia, suggesting major progress is still needed.
Similarly, data compiled by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development shows that the gender wage gap continues to decrease year-on-year in South Korea, regardless of whether Yoon or Moon leads the country. However, this still indicates a major wage gap, representing 29.3% as of 2023, making it the worst worldwide among countries that had published data in June 2024.
Finally, the United Nations Development Program’s Gender Inequality Index (GII), which tracks the difference between men and women in health, empowerment and economic status indicators, recorded ongoing improvements in South Korea’s treatment of women. Unlike the other gender-related data, the GII shows South Korea as one of the top performers globally compared to other nations.
Consequently, despite Yoon’s perceived “anti-feminist” stance, South Korea’s global ranking in gender equality has improved during his administration, according to multiple global rankings systems. This paradox may partially be explained by a growing global focus on advancing women’s rights and gender equality in recent decades. South Korea may have benefited from growing global momentum and increasing pressure at a grassroots level regardless of government positions. Further, the Moon administration’s efforts, though limited, might have helped lay the groundwork for continued positive momentum during the Yoon administration. SUPPRESSING STRIKES In a follow-up piece by Shin in May 2022, he warned that though Yoon’s “strongman” image may have helped during his election campaign, “it would be unwise to stay on this path as a leader who must govern a democratic society.” Looking back, the Moon Jae-in administration was not immune from accusations of “strongman” behavior. Key examples included pressure on striking doctors, whom the former president described as “deserters” who needed to be “firmly dealt with.” In addition, some criticized the Moon administration for excessively using COVID-19 controls to restrict undesirable protests. Likewise, many sharply criticized pressure on South Korean civil society and human rights activists to cease anti-DPRK activities as undemocratic. But under Yoon, the government has also used its power on multiple occasions to push forward major changes and clamp down on freedom of expression, association and assembly. Key examples include:
While both the Moon and Yoon administrations have faced accusations of “strongman” behavior, it appears that the Moon administration took this further than the Yoon administration in its multi-layered and sustained prosecution of human rights activists and anti-DPRK NGOs. However, Yoon’s swift relocation of the presidential office and hardline stance against labor strikes suggest a still worrying level of willingness to use government power to advance controversial changes and clamp down on freedom of expression, association and assembly.  An illustration of government officials being questioned | Image: Korea Pro LACK OF GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY Lastly, the Yoon administration has faced criticism over its handling of major incidents such as the Itaewon crowd crush and the World Scout Jamboree debacle, with many accusing the government of failing to take responsibility for its role in these events. In the case of the Itaewon crowd crush, which killed at least 153 people during Halloween celebrations in Nov. 2022, six police officers were investigated for gross negligence in their response. A year after the incident, the chief of Seoul police was eventually charged. But at the time, Yoon blamed the police while shielding the interior minister from criticism even though many held him responsible. The prime ministers’ secretariat was also accused of deflecting criticism from the government. Subsequent efforts to impeach the interior minister were rejected by the Constitutional Court. Victims’ families faced obstacles in erecting memorials and urged Yoon to sign a special bill calling for an investigation, but the ruling party recommended he veto it, which he subsequently did. Yoon’s popularity fell in the wake of the Itaewon disaster, polls showed, with surveys about the government’s response overwhelmingly negative about how it was handled. Similarly, after the World Scout Jamboree descended into chaos in 2023 due to poor planning, mismanagement and mass evacuations, the government again refrained from taking responsibility. In particular, the gender equality minister apologized but denied it was a fiasco. But even when an independent panel later concluded that the government and Korean Scout Association had failed to deliver on key promises and responsibilities, the ROK government stated it only played a supporting role in organizing the international event. After the debacle, which triggered major unease among embassies in Seoul, 65.6% of South Korean residents polled evaluated the ROK government’s handling of the affair as “negative,” while the opposition called for sacking key ministers for their roles. In another case, Yoon faced major criticism surrounding allegations that the first lady improperly received a luxury handbag from a pastor. Though he initially declined to apologize for the incident, Yoon eventually apologized for her “unwise conduct” in a press conference in May. Although the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission eventually investigated the case in June, the finding faced backlash from opposition parties due to a lack of punishment. Meanwhile, the Yoon administration has also faced scrutiny over its use of special pardons, including for corporate leaders like Samsung’s Lee Jae-yong and allies like former defense minister Kim Kwan-jin and former conservative president Lee Myung-bak. However, it should be noted that previous administrations, including Moon Jae-in’s, also granted special pardons for business leaders and even disgraced former President Park Geun-hye. Overall, the lack of accountability for major incidents like the Itaewon crowd crush, the World Scout Jamboree debacle and surrounding controversies like the first-lady’s acceptance of a luxury bag, as well as pardons for senior business and political figures, plays a role in democratic backsliding by undermining public trust in government institutions and eroding the rule of law.  Tents at the Jamboree site in Saemangeum, North Jeolla Province | Image: Korea Pro HOW THE TWO COMPARE Korea Pro’s comparative analysis of democratic performance under the Moon and Yoon administrations reveals a troubling pattern of continued democratic backsliding in South Korea. While both administrations have faced accusations of eroding democratic norms and institutions, the Yoon government appears to have intensified some of these concerning trends, particularly in areas such as press freedom, the treatment of marginalized communities and the use of government power to suppress dissent. However, the striking similarities between the two administrations suggest that the challenges facing South Korean democracy are deeply rooted and persist across different governments. The consistent use of politically motivated investigations, regular attacks on freedom of speech and the lack of support for marginalized communities indicate structural issues within the country’s political system. Should South Korea wish to overcome these problems, both the government and civil society must actively work toward strengthening democratic institutions, creating structures to protect the rights of all citizens and beginning to foster a culture of transparency and accountability. Only by addressing these systemic issues can future South Korean leaders hope to reverse the democratic backsliding that has been visible over the past decade. Edited by John Lee South Korea has experienced systematic and sustained erosion of democratic norms and institutions since President Yoon Suk-yeol took office in May 2022, according to a comprehensive Korea Pro analysis of multiple indicators, with trends that began under the conservative president’s predecessor not only continuing but significantly worsening in some cases. In the July 2020 journal article “South Korea’s Democratic Decay,” Stanford professor Gi-wook Shin generated heated debate by arguing that a series of actions by then-ROK President Moon Jae-in — including politically motivated investigations, infringements on press freedom, social polarization and the suppression of civil society — underscored democratic backsliding under the progressive administration. Get 30 days
|
|
Analysis How South Korea’s democratic decay has worsened under President Yoon Suk-yeolIn-depth Korea Pro analysis points to sustained erosion of democratic norms, continuing trends that began under Moon South Korea has experienced systematic and sustained erosion of democratic norms and institutions since President Yoon Suk-yeol took office in May 2022, according to a comprehensive Korea Pro analysis of multiple indicators, with trends that began under the conservative president’s predecessor not only continuing but significantly worsening in some cases. In the July 2020 journal article “South Korea’s Democratic Decay,” Stanford professor Gi-wook Shin generated heated debate by arguing that a series of actions by then-ROK President Moon Jae-in — including politically motivated investigations, infringements on press freedom, social polarization and the suppression of civil society — underscored democratic backsliding under the progressive administration. © Korea Risk Group. All rights reserved. Get the Daily Briefing Start your day with
|
SHARE
COPY LINK
X
MASTODON
