{"id":2208608,"date":"2025-03-04T18:15:44","date_gmt":"2025-03-04T09:15:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2208608"},"modified":"2025-03-04T18:15:44","modified_gmt":"2025-03-04T09:15:44","slug":"in-martial-law-memoir-han-dong-hoon-stages-a-comeback-but-has-little-new-to-say","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2025\/03\/in-martial-law-memoir-han-dong-hoon-stages-a-comeback-but-has-little-new-to-say\/","title":{"rendered":"In martial law memoir, Han Dong-hoon stages a comeback but has little new to say"},"content":{"rendered":"

Former People Power Party (PPP) leader Han Dong-hoon is using his memoir as a vehicle to stage a political comeback, reassert his leadership within the conservative party and distance himself from the fallout of President Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s martial law declaration and impeachment.<\/span><\/p>\n

The 384-page book, \u201cThe People Come First,\u201d recounts Han\u2019s role in the Dec. 3 martial law crisis, his efforts to manage Yoon\u2019s political downfall and his resignation as PPP leader. While it provides little new information, Han\u2019s claim that he blocked the appointment of a new defense minister is a notable revelation.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, his assertion that opposition leader Lee Jae-myung could hypothetically declare martial law as president weakens his credibility and makes his narrative appear more like a political maneuver than an objective account.<\/span><\/p>\n

The memoir is only available in Korean, so <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i> has translated key portions of the book and provided context and analysis to make sense of Han\u2019s claims.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

From left: People Power Party lawmakers watch the nullification of Yoon\u2019s martial law from the party\u2019s headquarters in Yeouido, PPP leader Han Dong-hoon speaks to reporters with fellow party lawmakers after a resolution demanding the repeal of martial law passed on Dec 4, 2024 | Image: People Power Party<\/a>, edited by Korea Pro<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

FEW NEW INSIGHTS<\/b><\/p>\n

For a memoir that claims to provide an inside account of a historic political crisis, \u201cThe People Come First\u201d offers little beyond what had already been reported in the press.<\/span><\/p>\n

Han details his role in the chaotic days following Yoon\u2019s declaration of martial law, his failed attempts to organize PPP lawmakers inside the National Assembly and his push for an \u201corderly early exit\u201d for the president.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, none of these elements introduce significant new details or change the public understanding of the crisis.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, Han details in his book how he and only 18 PPP lawmakers made their way into the National Assembly after Yoon declared martial law to vote with opposition lawmakers to <\/span>lift martial law<\/span><\/a>, while the majority of other party lawmakers, including then-PPP floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, remained at the party\u2019s headquarters just minutes away.<\/span><\/p>\n

Han also recounted his efforts to push for the president\u2019s \u201corderly retreat to minimize chaos\u201d after the National Assembly first attempt to impeach Yoon <\/span>failed<\/span><\/a> to reach a quorum on Dec. 7. After offering a brief apology for the martial law declaration, the president stated that he would delegate governance to the PPP and then-Prime Minister Han Duck-soo.<\/span><\/p>\n

All of this has been well documented.<\/span><\/p>\n

The one exception is Han\u2019s claim that he actively blocked Yoon from appointing Han Ki-ho, a retired three-star general and PPP lawmaker, as defense minister just days before the National Assembly <\/span>successfully impeached<\/span><\/a> the president during its second attempt on Dec. 14.<\/span><\/p>\n

Han portrays himself as a critical force in preventing Yoon from consolidating further control over the military, stating, \u201cIf a People Power Party lawmaker accepted the defense minister position under these conditions, the public would inevitably suspect that the party was complicit in the martial law crisis. I personally called Han Ki-ho and urged him not to accept the nomination. In the end, he declined the position.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

This revelation suggests that even as Yoon\u2019s presidency unraveled, he was still maneuvering to maintain control, raising further questions about the extent of Han\u2019s role and influence in shaping these events.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

South Korean citizens protest in front of the National Assembly for Yoon\u2019s impeachment, Dec. 14, 2024 | Image: Korea Pro<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

YOON\u2019S IMPEACHMENT<\/b><\/p>\n

Han presents himself as a defender of democracy against Yoon\u2019s illegal martial law, repeatedly emphasizing the \u201cvalues of conservatism and republicanism\u201d in his memoir.<\/span><\/p>\n

He also repeatedly emphasizes the need for the PPP to oppose the move, arguing that failing to do so would have labeled the party as \u201ccollaborators in an unconstitutional martial law.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Regardless, Yoon\u2019s second impeachment vote passed on Dec. 14 with 204 votes, including 12 votes from the PPP, stripping Yoon of his presidential authority.<\/span><\/p>\n

With the majority of PPP lawmakers opposed to Yoon\u2019s impeachment, Han, who argued that Yoon had to be impeached following the failed attempt to hand over governance to the PPP and the prime minister, resigned from his leadership post.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSupporting the impeachment of a president from my own party was one of the most painful decisions of my life,\u201d Han wrote, emphasizing the additional complexity due to his \u201clong-standing relationship with President Yoon.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Not only was Han Yoon\u2019s first justice minister before he took over as PPP leader, he and the president worked together for years as colleagues at the Prosecutors\u2019 Office.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Main opposition Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung delivers a speech at a pro-impeachment rally in downtown Seoul on the 106th anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement, March 1, 2025 | Image: Democratic Party of Korea<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

ON LEE JAE-MYUNG<\/b><\/p>\n

Although Han takes great pains to portray himself as the voice of reason within the conservative bloc, he undermines his credibility by alleging that main opposition Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung, whom Han refers to as the \u201cmost dangerous person in Korea,\u201d would manipulate laws and potentially declare martial law to prevent his own prosecution.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee faces numerous charges for alleged abuse of power and corruption during his time as mayor of Seongnam City and governor of Gyeonggi Province, but due to legal maneuvers, it is unlikely that the Supreme Court will be able to uphold his November conviction before a potential presidential election, which is expected to be held in mid-May.<\/span><\/p>\n

If Lee is elected president, the ROK Constitution would provide him with legal immunities from his previous charges, but it is likely that conservatives will seek to put him back on trial as soon as his term in office ends.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cI firmly believe that if Lee Jae-myung ever became president, he would do whatever it took to prevent a criminal conviction. Beyond declaring martial law, he could use the Democratic Party\u2019s legislative majority to revise election laws and criminal statutes, effectively nullifying any legal consequences for himself,\u201d Han wrote.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rhee Jong-hoon, a senior consultant at Politics and Business Consulting, described Han\u2019s repeated mentions of Lee as not merely a \u201cretrospective but a calculated effort\u201d to frame himself as the conservative alternative to the opposition leader.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cHan\u2019s primary objective is positioning himself as a presidential candidate by targeting Lee Jae-myung,\u201d Rhee told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i>, adding that confronting Lee would strengthen Han\u2019s standing among conservative voters.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, Han\u2019s attempt to paint himself as a principled conservative while simultaneously engaging in fear-mongering weakens his overall message.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol and People Power Party interim leader Han Dong-hoon visit a market that had caught fire, Jan. 23, 2024 | Image: ROK Presidential Office<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

A TOOL FOR POLITICAL REHABILITATION<\/b><\/p>\n

Recent polls from <\/span>Gallup Korea<\/span><\/a> and <\/span>Realmeter<\/span><\/a> indicate that Han has yet to reach double-digit support from the public for a potential presidential bid, holding steady at 4% and 6.9%, respectively. In a hypothetical head-to-head race against frontrunner Lee Jae-myung, Han also falters, trailing at 20.3% compared to Lee\u2019s 49.7%.<\/span><\/p>\n

Thus it is unlikely that Han would attempt to run for the presidency this year. Even if he did, he likely knows that he will not pose a serious contender against Lee.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cHan needs to demonstrate a comparative advantage with stronger policies [to be competitive in a presidential race],\u201d Rhee of Politics and Business Consulting told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i>, contrasting Han\u2019s shortcomings with Lee\u2019s administrative experience and defined political agenda.<\/span><\/p>\n

While Han might not have sufficient support to challenge Lee in a head-to-head presidential election, he may yet use his book to springboard his return as party leader. He wrote in his memoir, \u201cWhat worried me most was that, after my departure, the People Power Party would fall under the influence of those who defended martial law, spread election conspiracy theories and pandered to extremist YouTubers.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Since his resignation, that is exactly what has happened. For instance, the PPP has been accused of platforming extreme right-wing elements, especially after PPP lawmaker Kim Meen-geon <\/span>platformed<\/span><\/a> an \u201cAnti-communist Youth Brigade,\u201d which calls itself the White Skull Corps.<\/span><\/p>\n

The group named itself after an infamous riot police unit that was known for its aggressive crackdown on pro-democracy protests in the 1980s and 1990s, often using excessive force against demonstrators.<\/span><\/p>\n

Additionally, PPP lawmaker Seo Cheon-ho <\/span>called<\/span><\/a> on pro-Yoon protestors to \u201ctear down\u201d the Constitutional Court, the National Election Commission and the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking officials during a far-right rally.<\/span><\/p>\n

Han is clearly using his memoir to position himself as a moderate alternative to the more hardline conservatives who have gained influence within the party.<\/span><\/p>\n

Whether this strategy will be successful remains uncertain as Han struggles to gain traction among conservative voters.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rhee also questioned whether Han would be able to persuade hardline conservatives to support someone whom they branded a traitor for his decision to support Yoon\u2019s impeachment.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

From left: Main opposition Democratic Party Lee Jae-myung speaks with then-People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon, Sept. 1, 2024 | Image: Democratic Party of Korea<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

A MEMOIR THAT FALLS SHORT<\/b><\/p>\n

\u201cThe People Come First\u201d is less a revealing memoir and more a political instrument aimed at rehabilitating Han\u2019s image. While it includes some valuable insights \u2014 particularly regarding the defense minister appointment \u2014 it fails to offer a new perspective on the martial law crisis or Han\u2019s role in the PPP\u2019s internal turmoil.<\/span><\/p>\n

What\u2019s more, his attacks on Lee Jae-myung based on hypothetical scenarios diminishes his credibility and makes his message appear more opportunistic than principled.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite positioning himself as a rational conservative, Han\u2019s lack of policy direction and his weak polling numbers suggest a political comeback is far from guaranteed \u2014 regardless of his efforts to distance himself from a failed presidency.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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[…]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10909,"featured_media":2208614,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[27],"class_list":["post-2208608","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-domestic-politics"],"yoast_head":"\nIn martial law memoir, Han Dong-hoon stages a comeback but has little new to say - Korea Pro<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2025\/03\/in-martial-law-memoir-han-dong-hoon-stages-a-comeback-but-has-little-new-to-say\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"In martial law memoir, Han Dong-hoon stages a comeback but has little new to say - Korea Pro\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Former People Power Party (PPP) leader Han Dong-hoon is using his memoir as a vehicle to stage a political comeback, reassert his leadership within the conservative party and distance himself from the fallout of President Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s martial law declaration and impeachment. 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