{"id":2208482,"date":"2025-02-21T14:45:06","date_gmt":"2025-02-21T05:45:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2208482"},"modified":"2025-02-24T14:30:31","modified_gmt":"2025-02-24T05:30:31","slug":"yoons-martial-law-blueprint-leaked-notes-uncover-chilling-crackdown-plans","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2025\/02\/yoons-martial-law-blueprint-leaked-notes-uncover-chilling-crackdown-plans\/","title":{"rendered":"Yoon\u2019s martial law blueprint: Leaked notes uncover chilling crackdown plans"},"content":{"rendered":"
Revelations from a controversial notebook has exposed what appears to be a chilling blueprint for impeached South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s martial law declaration, outlining extensive plans for mass arrests of opposition leaders, judges and civil society leaders \u2014 and potentially even extrajudicial killings.<\/span><\/p>\n Attributed to former army intelligence commander Noh Sang-won, believed to be a central figure in Yoon\u2019s <\/span>martial law<\/span><\/a> plans, the <\/span>notes<\/span><\/a> have sparked alarm over the extent of the current administration\u2019s authoritarian tendencies.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The implications of these revelations seem to extend beyond Noh\u2019s alleged personal musings, as additional evidence suggests a broader network of officials involved in discussions surrounding martial law.<\/span><\/p>\n Experts told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i> that the emergence of such extreme measures signals an unsettling revival of South Korea\u2019s authoritarian past, with disturbing parallels to the military rule of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan.<\/span><\/p>\n While legal and political hurdles complicate efforts to verify the authenticity of Noh\u2019s notebook, the broader concern remains the erosion of democratic norms in South Korea. With public trust in government institutions at stake, experts stressed the need for clear accountability and a return to political restraint among Seoul\u2019s leaders.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The situation underscores a sobering reality \u2014 even the most stable democracies remain vulnerable to the specter of authoritarianism, and how South Korea responds now may define its political trajectory for years to come.<\/span><\/p>\n Main opposition Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung stands with senior party lawmakers at the National Assembly, Dec. 7, 2024 | Image: Democratic Party of Korea<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n TAKING EXTREME MEASURES<\/b><\/p>\n The latest revelations arising from Noh\u2019s notebook paint a vivid picture of a detailed martial law plot that was seemingly willing to take things to extremes, including categorized lists of potential arrest targets and methods for detaining \u2014 and even killing \u2014 political opponents.<\/span><\/p>\n According to an exclusive from public broadcaster <\/span>MBC<\/span><\/i>, the notebook <\/span>divided<\/span><\/a> arrest targets into alphabetical categories from A to D, with “Grade A” targets including former President Moon Jae-in, Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung and other prominent opposition politicians.<\/span><\/p>\n However, the detention plan was not simply limited to politicians, as the notebook also listed religious leaders, judges and left-leaning civil society figures such as former soccer star Cha Bum-kun.<\/span><\/p>\n After arrest, the prisoners would then be transported to sites including the northwestern Yeonpyeong Island and southwestern Jeju Island, but most concerningly, Noh\u2019s notes <\/span>reportedly<\/span><\/a> suggested the possibility of \u201caccidents during transport.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n The notebook also contained terms like \u201cgas,\u201d \u201cexplosion,\u201d \u201csinking\u201d and \u201csinking by gunfire,\u201d as well as a more specific implementation plan outlining the locations and killing methods such as grenades.<\/span><\/p>\n Bizarrely, Noh reportedly planned to seek North Korea\u2019s help in covering up the \u201cexecutions\u201d by sending the bodies \u201cstraight to the North\u201d for disposal, despite the notebook also outlining a plot to induce an inter-Korean maritime conflict as a pretext for martial law.<\/span><\/p>\n Choi Gi-il, a professor at Sangji University\u2019s National Security Division, described the entire affair as \u201cundeniably shocking\u201d and like \u201csomething out of a Hollywood movie.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n He told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i> that if Noh indeed contacted North Korea, his actions would constitute \u201chigh treason\u201d and mean that South Korean citizens were essentially used as \u201cleverage for certain political purposes.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n Doubts remain about whether Noh\u2019s notes were part of the actual martial law plot or simply his personal thoughts, but Choi said his extreme plans nonetheless suggest a \u201cdeeply entrenched delusional mindset.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n Meanwhile, former National Intelligence Service (NIS) deputy director Hong Jang-won recently revealed a <\/span>memo<\/span><\/a> containing a list of political targets he was allegedly ordered to arrest, including Lee Jae-myung, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik and former ruling People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon.<\/span><\/p>\n However, NIS chief Cho Tae-yong has <\/span>disputed<\/span><\/a> his former deputy\u2019s claims, while Hong himself <\/span>altered<\/span><\/a> part of his testimony during a follow-up hearing, citing a \u201cslight error\u201d in his memory.<\/span><\/p>\n The questions about the authenticity of Hong\u2019s memo and Noh\u2019s \u201cfragmented\u201d notes and their relation to the actual martial law imposition present <\/span>obstacles<\/span><\/a> for the prosecution to use them as evidence.<\/span><\/p>\n In Noh\u2019s case, the situation is compounded by an inconclusive <\/span>handwriting analysis<\/span><\/a> result, and his refusal to testify so far has made it harder for authorities to authenticate the notebook.<\/span><\/p>\n Despite these legal hurdles, the notebook and memo could undermine President Yoon\u2019s argument that the martial law declaration was simply intended as a \u201cwarning\u201d to his \u201canti-state\u201d opponents after what he claims to be rigged parliamentary elections last April.<\/span><\/p>\n From left: Then-South Korean President Chun Doo-hwan at the ROK Army’s II Corps in 1983<\/a>, then-South Korean President Park Chung-hee pours ceremonial champagne during an opening ceremony of the Gyeongin and Gyeongbu Expressways in 1968<\/a> | Image: ROK National Archives, edited by Korea Pro<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n BRINGING BACK AN AUTHORITARIAN PAST<\/b><\/p>\n Experts have expressed deep concern to <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i> that former army intelligence commander Noh\u2019s alleged martial law plans and Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s past rhetoric bear striking similarities to tactics adopted by South Korea\u2019s military dictators.<\/span><\/p>\n Noh\u2019s notebook <\/span>reportedly<\/span><\/a> detailed plans for constitutional changes to permit three-term presidencies and designate successors for Yoon, echoing <\/span>tactics<\/span><\/a> used by former President Park Chung-hee.<\/span><\/p>\n The former intelligence commander\u2019s succession planning notes further drew parallels to dictator Chun Doo-hwan, who also rose to power in a 1979 military coup. After student activist Park Jong-chul died from police torture in Jan. 1987, Chun banned electoral reform discussions through his <\/span>Protection of the Constitution decree (\ud638\ud5cc\uc870\uce58)<\/span><\/a>, announcing he would appoint his successor and pass on his presidential powers.<\/span><\/p>\n Choi of Sangji University expressed shock over Yoon\u2019s reference to \u201canti-state forces\u201d during his martial law declaration, which the president later clarified to mean \u201cpro-North Korean leftists and spies.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n He further argued that this phrase suggests the so-called \u201ccollection targets\u201d (\uc218\uac70 \ub300\uc0c1) listed in Noh\u2019s notebook \u2014 approximately 500 individuals described as \u201cleft-leaning\u201d \u2014 were being categorized as enemies within Yoon\u2019s circle.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cThat would mean that people like me, who criticize the government, are considered spies. It\u2019s completely absurd,\u201d said Choi, who previously served as an undersecretary-level official at the Blue House National Security Office under former President Moon Jae-in.<\/span><\/p>\n Then-South Korean President Moon Jae-in comforts the mother of Ahn Jong-pil, who was killed at age 16 during the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, at the National May 18 Democratic Cemetery | Image: Moon Jae-in Blue House Archives<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n REVIVING HISTORICAL TRAUMAS\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n Yoon Kyung-hoe, a former lead researcher at the May 18 Gwangju Uprising Truth Commission, warned that South Korea\u2019s failure to fully address past state violence has left deep scars that continue to shape political instability today.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cThe root of the issue is that those responsible never faced consequences,\u201d she said. \u201cMany retained power, wealth and influence, and now their ideological successors mobilize using anti-communist rhetoric,\u201d she told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n Former South Korean Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were pardoned in <\/span>1997<\/span><\/a> by then-President Kim Young-sam, despite receiving significant prison sentences for their roles in the Dec. 1979 military coup and the violent suppression of the Gwangju pro-democracy uprising in May 1980.<\/span><\/p>\n Currently serving as the secretary for the 5.18 Sexual Violence Victims\u2019 Group <\/span>Yeolmae<\/span><\/i> (\uc5f4\ub9e4), Yoon Kyung-hoe works closely with survivors of historical state repression, including the <\/span>1980 Gwangju Uprising<\/span><\/a> and the <\/span>1979 Busan-Masan Democratic Uprising<\/span><\/a>. She said recent revelations of martial law plans from Noh have retraumatized many victims.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cAmong the people I meet, many experience an overwhelming sense of fear because they were once completely at the mercy of state authorities,\u201d Yoon said. \u201cThe trauma is stored in their bodies, and certain events can bring it all back.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cEnding this crisis isn\u2019t just about politics \u2014 it\u2019s about restoring dignity to those who suffered.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol and then-defense minister Kim Yong-hyun at the 76th Armed Forces Day parade, Oct. 1, 2024 | Image: <\/em>ROK Presidential Office<\/em><\/a><\/p><\/div>\n A LACK OF POLITICAL RESTRAINT<\/b><\/p>\n Despite these significant revelations, Choi of Sangji University emphasized that the key issue remains whether Noh\u2019s thoughts, allegedly documented in his notebook, were seriously linked to the Dec. 3 martial law plan.<\/span><\/p>\n While Noh\u2019s exact role in the martial law planning remains unclear, experts have raised concerns over police evidence and strong indications of Noh\u2019s involvement with Defense Minister <\/span>Kim Yong-hyun<\/span><\/a>, Counterintelligence Commander <\/span>Yeo In-hyung<\/span><\/a>, and others in the alleged planning at a <\/span>local fast food restaurant<\/span><\/a>.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cIf it continues to emerge that prominent politicians, military officials, and cabinet ministers are consulting such individuals, it signals a disturbing erosion of governance standards,\u201d Cho Jin-man, a political science professor at Duksung Women\u2019s University, told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n Cho stressed that figures like Noh, who advocate for extreme measures against political opponents, should not be allowed to influence national policy, especially martial law.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cSelf-restraint is critical. This isn\u2019t just a legal issue \u2014 it\u2019s a matter of political culture,\u201d he added, emphasizing the need for leaders to resist reckless rhetoric and uphold democratic principles.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n Military personnel from the 707th Special Mission Group at the National Assembly after martial law was declared, Dec. 3, 2024 | Image: Democratic Party lawmaker Park Sun-won’s office<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n CHECKS AND BALANCES<\/b><\/p>\n As South Korea reckons with the fallout of the martial law crisis, the situation has led to questions about the role of the institutions meant to serve and protect the people.<\/span><\/p>\n Choi said there are now concerns that the military was exploited by \u201ccertain individuals with distorted views of the state,\u201d reminiscent of its \u201cproblematic role\u201d under past authoritarian governments.<\/span><\/p>\n However, he added that even though soldiers are bound to follow orders, they are obligated not to obey illegal commands.<\/span><\/p>\n Under South Korea\u2019s <\/span>Military Criminal Act<\/span><\/a>, soldiers face punishment for failing to follow \u201clawful orders,\u201d but some legal experts have <\/span>stated<\/span><\/a> that the martial law orders were illegal.<\/span><\/p>\n Some officers and soldiers <\/span>reportedly<\/span><\/a> resisted orders they believed were illegal, while Kwak Jong-geun, the then-commander of the Army Special Warfare Command, subsequently <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> he would refuse further martial law orders.<\/span><\/p>\n Choi expressed relief that there were no mass casualties or violent clashes during the martial law crisis, attributing this to the soldiers\u2019 \u201crestraint\u201d in dealing with civilians.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cWhile the public is understandably shocked and disappointed, it is important to acknowledge that most soldiers demonstrated professionalism and civic responsibility,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>\n To prevent such situations in the future, the former Blue House official stressed that the recent revelations from Noh\u2019s notebook show that the country must address the consequences of its internal political stability.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cThis is not a case of an external threat destabilizing South Korea \u2014 it is a crisis created from within,\u201d he said.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n