{"id":2207491,"date":"2024-12-11T12:39:30","date_gmt":"2024-12-11T03:39:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2207491"},"modified":"2024-12-12T11:07:22","modified_gmt":"2024-12-12T02:07:22","slug":"south-korea-faces-political-crisis-as-ruling-party-blocks-impeachment-vote","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2024\/12\/south-korea-faces-political-crisis-as-ruling-party-blocks-impeachment-vote\/","title":{"rendered":"South Korea faces political crisis as ruling party blocks impeachment vote"},"content":{"rendered":"

The ruling People Power Party\u2019s (PPP) decision to block the vote to impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol has thrust South Korean democracy into uncharted waters.<\/span><\/p>\n

All but three of 108 PPP lawmakers boycotted the impeachment vote on Saturday, effectively blocking a parliamentary motion that requires 200 of 300 votes to pass. The move, met with outrage from tens of thousands of protesters on-site demanding Yoon\u2019s removal, raises difficult and troubling questions about the country\u2019s democratic resilience and constitutional order.<\/span><\/p>\n

MARTIAL LAW AND THE PPP\u2019S BOYCOTT<\/b><\/p>\n

This political crisis stems from Yoon\u2019s declaration of martial law last week to suppress political opposition, an unprecedented move in South Korea\u2019s modern democracy. The National Assembly swiftly rejected the declaration, triggering a groundswell of civic pride, which proved short-lived due to the PPP\u2019s collective action.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The party\u2019s political calculus hinges on two factors: the hope that they may be able to delay a presidential election until public anger over Yoon\u2019s coup attempt has subsided, and potentially until main opposition Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung can be convicted in one of the numerous criminal cases against him \u2014 thus disqualifying him from running for office.<\/span><\/p>\n

In other words, the PPP is betting that it can execute an informal handover of power, which will allow it to nudge Yoon out of office while also avoiding the electoral rout that would follow impeachment.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon hold a joint press conference, Dec. 8, 2024 | Image: People Power Party<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

UNDERMINING CONSTITUTIONAL NORMS<\/b><\/p>\n

The PPP\u2019s plan appears to be centered around Yoon voluntarily withdrawing from state affairs, while delegating governance to Prime Minister Han Duck-Soo and party leader Han Dong-Hoon. The pair held a <\/span>joint press conference<\/span><\/a> on Sunday, announcing they would govern \u201cin close consultation\u201d with each other.<\/span><\/p>\n

This proposal, however, arguably poses just as much of a risk to South Korea\u2019s constitutional order as Yoon\u2019s coup attempt itself.<\/span><\/p>\n

The ROK Constitution provides a clear procedure for when a president is unfit to serve: the president is impeached by the National Assembly, and the prime minister temporarily assumes power. If the impeachment results in a conviction and removal from office in the Constitutional Court, new elections must be held within 60 days.<\/span><\/p>\n

This is precisely why the PPP is unwilling to impeach: a presidential election in early 2025 would almost certainly result in an overwhelming victory for the DP and its leader, Lee Jae-myung.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Under their alternative plan, the PPP can delay the election indefinitely while Yoon is functionally on garden leave.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

But nothing in the ROK Constitution allows the president to \u201cinformally\u201d cede power to the prime minister without formal impeachment to avoid triggering the 60-day clause. And there\u2019s certainly nothing that allows him to delegate governing authority to Han Dong-Hoon, a private citizen \u2014 albeit an influential one.<\/span><\/p>\n

Indeed, the PPP\u2019s attempt to declare Han shadow president is reminiscent of the very conduct that resulted in President <\/span>Park Geun-hye\u2019s impeachment<\/span><\/a> in 2017.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

A protester holds a lit candle in one hand and a sign in the other that calls for Yoon Suk-yeol’s resignation for sedition, Dec. 5, 2024 | Image: Korea Pro<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

PUBLIC SENTIMENT AND PPP\u2019S GAMBLE<\/b><\/p>\n

The PPP is likely making a serious miscalculation. Recent polls indicate that <\/span>over 70%<\/span><\/a> of South Koreans support Yoon\u2019s impeachment, and it is unlikely that these voters will accept any arrangement where Yoon remains president, much less one so obviously extra-legal as this one.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In attempting to avoid short-term electoral harm, the PPP risks permanently alienating the vast majority of the Korean electorate, who are dismayed at Yoon\u2019s conduct and skeptical of the PPP\u2019s response.<\/span><\/p>\n

The party barely survived its defense of Park Geun-Hye during the early stages of her impeachment. Doubling down on a much more full-throated defense of Yoon could be fatal for the PPP\u2019s long-term electoral viability.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The PPP\u2019s plan also relies on the naive assumption that Yoon will continue to play along for as long as the party requires. Because this plan is extra-legal, there is no legal basis to stop Yoon if he decides that he no longer wishes to hand over power to the two Hans.<\/span><\/p>\n

Reportedly, some from Yoon\u2019s inner circle have already <\/span>suggested<\/span><\/a> that the president should continue to govern as usual.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

If Yoon reneges and reclaims power, it will expose the party\u2019s short-sightedness and turn public sentiment even more ferociously against them. And perhaps more concerningly, the specter of further violent extra-legal actions by Yoon would loom large. If he was the sort of leader who was willing to step back from power as he claimed he would on Saturday, he would never have launched a coup in the first place.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol bows to apologize for his martial law declaration, Dec. 7, 2024 | Image: ROK Presidential Office<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

A CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS<\/b><\/p>\n

Perhaps even more concerning is the damage that Yoon and the PPP have already done to constitutional order in Seoul. The country has effectively been thrust into a state of paralysis. Legally, Yoon still holds power, but claims that he will no longer govern. The prime minister and the PPP have announced that they will instead, but have no legal authority to do so.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

At this point, it is unclear who is actually running the executive branch. While the ROK defense ministry stated on Monday that Yoon continues to command the military, that directly contravenes Han Duck-soo and Han Dong-hoon\u2019s joint position.<\/span><\/p>\n

While the foreign minister met with the U.S. ambassador to discuss alliance issues, it is not even clear whose direction he was acting on.<\/span><\/p>\n

The situation has led to a constitutional crisis where there are many questions and few good answers. Nobody knows how any of this is going to work. Most likely, it will not.<\/span><\/p>\n

Further, even if sustained public pressure eventually forces the PPP to relent and begin formal impeachment, some of the damage done to democratic norms is likely irreversible. The PPP\u2019s partisan decision to boycott impeachment removes the use of martial law to imprison one\u2019s political opponents from the realm of criminality, and places it squarely within the realm of partisan politics.<\/span><\/p>\n

This may inspire future leaders to test the limits of executive power, creating a cycle of democratic erosion.<\/span><\/p>\n

International confidence in Seoul\u2019s democratic institutions is also likely to wane. South Korea\u2019s relatively recent democratization in 1987 was followed by thirty-seven years of uninterrupted peace and rule of law \u2014 a democratic miracle every bit as impressive as the economic \u201cMiracle of the Han River.\u201d In an era of authoritarian creep in many democratic nations, Seoul has been a rare beacon of stability \u2014 until this past week.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Some experts have deemed the current crisis a \u201cstress test\u201d of Seoul\u2019s democratic institutions. However, in failing to immediately reject Yoon\u2019s actions as beyond the pale, South Korea may have already failed that test.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

And while South Koreans have always stood ready to defend their democracy, few will have anticipated that they would be called upon to prove equal to an even greater challenge \u2014 rebuilding it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The ruling People Power Party\u2019s (PPP) decision to block the vote to impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol has thrust South Korean democracy into uncharted waters. All but three of 108 PPP lawmakers boycotted the impeachment vote on Saturday, effectively blocking a parliamentary motion that requires 200 of 300 votes to pass. 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