{"id":2205883,"date":"2024-07-22T17:37:34","date_gmt":"2024-07-22T08:37:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2205883"},"modified":"2024-07-23T12:51:35","modified_gmt":"2024-07-23T03:51:35","slug":"bribery-influence-and-diplomacy-uncovering-parallels-in-us-rok-relations","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2024\/07\/bribery-influence-and-diplomacy-uncovering-parallels-in-us-rok-relations\/","title":{"rendered":"Bribery, influence and diplomacy: Uncovering parallels in US-ROK relations"},"content":{"rendered":"

While most Americans and Koreans might like to believe that their countries\u2019 foreign policies are based solely on their own national interests, Sue Mi Terry\u2019s <\/span>indictment<\/span><\/a> suggests that external influences may play a role in shaping these policies.<\/span><\/p>\n

As U.S. law enforcement continues its investigations of Terry\u2019s alleged collusion with South Korea\u2019s National Intelligence Service (NIS) agents, this case may expand in scope and duration, revealing a network of individuals and institutions involved in shaping U.S. policy and public opinion in favor of South Korean interests.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, despite the seriousness of the allegations, they pale in comparison to the <\/span>Koreagate<\/span><\/a> scandal of the late 1970s, which involved widespread bribery and influence-peddling.<\/span><\/p>\n

Reviewing the events of Koreagate provides valuable insights into how the current scandal may unfold and grow in the coming months. By understanding the scope and impact of the previous scandal, observers can better anticipate the potential ramifications of the Terry case and its effect on U.S.-South Korea relations.<\/span><\/p>\n

KOREAGATE: BRIBING U.S. CONGRESS<\/b><\/p>\n

The Koreagate scandal, which derived its name from the Watergate scandal that had played out just a few years earlier, centered around the South Korean government\u2019s efforts to bribe U.S. lawmakers to adopt policies favorable to South Korea.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the late 1960s, Tongsun Park (Park Dong-seon) devised a plan to leverage his connections in Washington, which he had cultivated as a Georgetown University student and owner of a popular club, to benefit Park Chung-hee\u2019s regime.<\/span><\/p>\n

At the time, South Korea purchased large quantities of American rice, and intermediaries in the negotiations received substantial commissions. Tongsun Park requested that the South Korean government appoint him the middleman, promising to use the profits to <\/span>lobby or bribe<\/span><\/a> members of Congress.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Park government recognized the importance of Congress in 1970 when the Nixon administration announced a <\/span>withdrawal of 20,000 U.S. troops<\/span><\/a> from the Korean Peninsula. To secure the $5 billion in military aid Nixon promised to modernize the South Korean military and offset the departing U.S. troops, Park Chung-hee personally approved the lobbying plan in Aug. 1970, according to the U.S. investigation.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Then-South Korean President Park Chung-hee meets with then-U.S. President Richard Nixon, Aug. 22, 1969 | Image: KTV Archives<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

Koreagate began with <\/span>several members of Congress<\/span><\/a> receiving tens of thousands of dollars from Tongsun Park. In the two most severe cases, Richard Hana (D-CA) received $110,000 and Otto Passman (D-LA) received over $240,000.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, many U.S. government officials suspected wrongdoing, particularly <\/span>Philip Habib<\/span><\/a>, the U.S. Ambassador to South Korea at the time. Habib, aware of Tongsun Park\u2019s role in government corruption, strongly advocated for the U.S. government to investigate him and warned the ROK government to cease its lobbying efforts.<\/span><\/p>\n

The U.S. Justice Department eventually launched an investigation, and the scandal became public in Oct. 1976, just before the U.S. presidential election in which <\/span>Jimmy Carter<\/span><\/a> defeated incumbent Gerald Ford.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tongsun Park received <\/span>immunity<\/span><\/a> in exchange for testifying about his activities. As the investigations continued into the late 1970s, evidence strongly suggested that the South Korean government, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), had directly bribed members of Congress. However, diplomatic immunity prevented the Justice Department from questioning MOFA officials.<\/span><\/p>\n

The affair concluded somewhat anti-climatically, with only one U.S. lawmaker, Hana, receiving jail time. A friendly jury in his home district <\/span>acquitted<\/span><\/a> Passman.<\/span><\/p>\n

INFLUENCING MEDIA AND ACADEMIA<\/b><\/p>\n

A less well-known but pertinent aspect of the Koreagate scandal involves the South Korean government\u2019s attempts to influence American public opinion through its media and academia.<\/span><\/p>\n

When Park Chung-hee promulgated a new, <\/span>authoritarian constitution<\/span><\/a> in Oct. 1972 that effectively made him president for life, his government anticipated resistance from Washington.<\/span><\/p>\n

Many Americans were likely to be repelled by Park\u2019s naked authoritarianism. They would have also likely opposed providing military and economic aid to South Korea or continuing to station U.S. troops in its defense, especially as the Vietnam War continued to rage.<\/span><\/p>\n

In response, South Korean diplomats urgently contacted <\/span>American media figures<\/span><\/a> in late 1972 to project a positive image of South Korea to the American public.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, then-South Korean Ambassador to the U.S., Kim Dong-jo, met with the editor-in-chief of <\/span>Foreign Affairs<\/span><\/i>, William P. Bundy, less than a month after Park Chung-hee declared martial law. Kim requested that <\/span>Foreign Affairs<\/span><\/i> publish an article explaining the political developments in South Korea in Park Chung-hee\u2019s name, but Bundy denied this request.<\/span><\/p>\n

The South Korean government also sought help from American academics to disseminate a positive image of the Park regime. One incident from 1972 closely resembles Sue Mi Terry\u2019s alleged actions.<\/span><\/p>\n

Andrew C. Nahm<\/span><\/a>, who was teaching at Western Michigan University at the time, accepted a $700 donation from the South Korean government to his Center for Korean Studies. In exchange, he wrote a \u201c<\/span>letter to the editor<\/span><\/a>\u201d in <\/span>The New York Times<\/span><\/i>, defending Park\u2019s authoritarian government.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nahm argued that \u201cKorea has never been a democratic nation\u201d and that each society has its own right and duty to \u201cfollow certain courses of action which are best suited to its own security and welfare, democratic process notwithstanding.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

After the article\u2019s publication, his research center received a larger donation of $17,500.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Sue Mi Terry and then-South Korean foreign minister Park Jin attend a screening event of the documentary film “Beyond Utopia,” Nov. 6, 2023 | Image: ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

KOREAGATE\u2019S IMPLICATIONS FOR TERRY CASE<\/b><\/p>\n

This review of Koreagate demonstrates that the activities detailed in Terry\u2019s indictment are not unprecedented.<\/span><\/p>\n

Given this historical context, it is plausible that the South Korean government has contacted other American academics besides Terry.<\/span><\/p>\n

A few positive think tank articles and op-eds, even from a prominent figure like Terry, have a limited impact on today\u2019s vast American media landscape. It is reasonable to suspect that others in Washington and elsewhere had similar relationships with the South Korean government.<\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, the Koreagate scandal suggests that the South Korean government\u2019s influencing campaign extends beyond academics at think tanks. U.S. government officials, members of Congress, media elites, academics at premier universities and even the <\/span>Unification Church<\/span><\/a> were implicated in the Koreagate scandal to varying degrees.<\/span><\/p>\n

While not all those investigated were found to have cooperated with the ROK government \u2014 such as <\/span>Foreign Affairs<\/span><\/i> \u2014 many did.<\/span><\/p>\n

On the Korean side, the <\/span>Korean Central Intelligence Agency<\/span><\/a> (the forebearer of today\u2019s NIS), <\/span>MOFA<\/span><\/a> and non-governmental agents like Tongsun Park were also implicated in Koreagate.<\/span><\/p>\n

Whether Terry\u2019s case is exceptional or the first of many remains uncertain. The <\/span>Chosun Ilbo <\/span><\/i>newspaper <\/span>reported<\/span><\/a> on July 19 that the previous Moon Jae-in administration had an ongoing operation to lobby the U.S. Congress to support its <\/span>proposed end-of-war declaration<\/span><\/a> with North Korea.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Yoon Suk-yeol administration has also <\/span>threatened to investigate<\/span><\/a> the NIS\u2019 activities during the Moon administration. Such developments heighten the possibility of the scandal\u2019s expansion in both Washington, D.C. and Seoul.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Koreagate scandal broke in Oct. 1976 and congressional investigations continued until the end of 1978. As investigations into the current scandal progress, it will likely follow a similar course.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Inter-Korean & Foreign Relations<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

While most Americans and Koreans might like to believe that their countries\u2019 foreign policies are based solely on their own national interests, Sue Mi Terry\u2019s indictment suggests that external influences may play a role in shaping these policies. As U.S. law enforcement continues its investigations of Terry\u2019s alleged collusion with South Korea\u2019s National Intelligence Service […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10407,"featured_media":2205884,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[28],"class_list":["post-2205883","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-inter-korean-foreign-relations"],"yoast_head":"\nBribery, influence and diplomacy: Uncovering parallels in US-ROK relations - Korea Pro<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2024\/07\/bribery-influence-and-diplomacy-uncovering-parallels-in-us-rok-relations\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bribery, influence and diplomacy: Uncovering parallels in US-ROK relations - Korea Pro\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"While most Americans and Koreans might like to believe that their countries\u2019 foreign policies are based solely on their own national interests, Sue Mi Terry\u2019s indictment suggests that external influences may play a role in shaping these policies. 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