{"id":2202157,"date":"2023-09-05T17:22:18","date_gmt":"2023-09-05T08:22:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2202157"},"modified":"2023-09-06T17:51:13","modified_gmt":"2023-09-06T08:51:13","slug":"yoons-history-games-how-dictators-sons-apology-furthers-new-right-agenda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/09\/yoons-history-games-how-dictators-sons-apology-furthers-new-right-agenda\/","title":{"rendered":"Yoon’s history games: How dictator\u2019s son\u2019s apology furthers New Right agenda"},"content":{"rendered":"

Lee In-su, the adopted son of the ROK\u2019s first president, Syngman Rhee, <\/span>expressed remorse<\/span><\/a> for the repression of the April Revolution of 1960 and apologized to the victims of state violence. While this move from Lee mirrors similar recent apologies from descendants of other former leaders, the sincerity of his gesture is under scrutiny.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Rhee\u2019s legacy remains controversial in South Korea. His presidency met its abrupt end following the April Revolution, an uprising instigated by electoral fraud and other autocratic measures. The official death toll from the revolution stands at 186, with a majority being college students who spearheaded the movement.<\/span><\/p>\n

A recent survey polled Korean citizens about their <\/span>favorite past presidents<\/span><\/a>. A meager 1.8% chose Rhee, placing him slightly ahead of Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo who were responsible for the deaths of hundreds of democracy activists during the Gwangju Democracy Movement.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee\u2019s apology follows similar apologies made by <\/span>Chun Doo-hwan\u2019s grandson<\/span><\/a> and <\/span>Roh Tae-woo\u2019s son<\/span><\/a>. However, given the timing, observers debate whether Lee seeks genuine atonement or merely aims to refurbish his father\u2019s tarnished image.<\/span><\/p>\n

POLITICAL MACHINATIONS<\/b><\/p>\n

Lee In-su\u2019s offer to apologize isn\u2019t novel. In 2011, Lee announced plans to visit the April 19th National Cemetery, but victims\u2019 families blocked his visit and <\/span>rejected<\/span><\/a> his apology. Observers at the time connected his act of contrition to a <\/span>proposal<\/span><\/a> to erect a statue of Rhee in downtown Seoul\u2019s Gwanghwamun Square.<\/span><\/p>\n

One <\/span>recent report<\/span><\/a> highlights that Lee\u2019s offers to apologize seem timed with conservative administrations: first during Park Geun-hye\u2019s term in 2011 and now under Yoon Suk-yeol. This timing suggests potential underlying motives.<\/span><\/p>\n

Several<\/span><\/a> observers<\/span><\/a> have drawn a line between Lee\u2019s most recent apology and the current push by private organizations and the Yoon administration to construct a Syngman Rhee Presidential Library, which has been criticized on two fronts.<\/span><\/p>\n

First, the main opposition Democratic Party has lambasted the Yoon administration\u2019s financial commitment to the library. Earlier this year, the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs earmarked $34.9 million (<\/span>46 billion won<\/span><\/a>) for the project. This budget is double the allocation for the Park Chung-hee Presidential Library and quadruple that of Roh Moo-hyun\u2019s. Second, others have noted that behind this move lies a broader political intent: to resuscitate Rhee\u2019s image, which could serve conservative interests.<\/span><\/p>\n

As noted <\/span>previously<\/span><\/a>, the New Right, an intellectual and political movement linked with the Yoon administration, has sought to rehabilitate Rhee as the crucial founding father of the democratic and capitalist Republic of Korea.<\/span><\/p>\n

This push dovetails with conservative leaders\u2019 efforts to recalibrate the significance of Aug. 15. This date marks Korea\u2019s liberation from Japan in 1945 and the ROK\u2019s official inception in 1948. By accentuating the latter, conservatives aim to shift the narrative from liberation to <\/span>national foundation<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Conservatives contend that such a shift underscores South Korea\u2019s <\/span>establishment<\/span><\/a> as a liberal democracy, juxtaposed against the North\u2019s communist regime inaugurated on Sept. 9, 1948.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, progressives counter this narrative. They argue that prioritizing Aug. 15 as the national foundation day diminishes the colonial-era independence movements, notably the Provisional Government of Korea \u2014 the Korean government-in-exile established in Shanghai in 1919 following the March First Movement.<\/span><\/p>\n

By focusing on post-colonial milestones, conservatives can extricate themselves from discussing the pro-Japanese stances of conservative figures like Park Chung-hee. Instead, they can spotlight their roles in sculpting a democratic and prosperous South Korea.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Graves at the April 19th National Cemetery, Sept. 8, 2021 | Image: April 19th National Cemetery<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

REIMAGINING HISTORY<\/b><\/p>\n

Materials for the proposed Syngman Rhee Presidential Library suggest it might further these political ends. The <\/span>website<\/span><\/a> for the library includes a segment aimed at correcting \u201cmisunderstandings\u201d about Rhee by offering the \u201ctruth.\u201d It challenges widely-held views, arguing that Rhee didn\u2019t come to power through fraudulent elections and wasn\u2019t culpable for the Bodo League massacre during the Korean War.<\/span><\/p>\n

While the exact messaging the library will provide to its visitors remains uncertain, it has sparked criticism. Lee Jong-chan, the president of Heritage of Korean Independence, has <\/span>labeled<\/span><\/a> the library a \u201cmonster\u201d aiming to \u201cdeify\u201d Rhee.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee In-su\u2019s apology, combined with the advocacy for the Syngman Rhee Presidential Library, could be dismissed as inconsequential or seen as heartfelt remorse when viewed in isolation. Yet, it is but one case in what appears to be a broader initiative by the Yoon administration to advance the New Right\u2019s agenda.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, the Korean Military Academy recently <\/span>decided<\/span><\/a> to remove a bust of Hong Beom-do, an iconic figure among Korean independence fighters during the colonial period. Hong is revered in South Korea for his victories over Japanese forces in several high-profile battles such as the Battle of Fengwudong in northeastern China in 1920. However, the academy decided to remove Hong\u2019s bust because of his membership and activities in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.<\/span><\/p>\n

Additionally, the Yoon administration has <\/span>fiercely opposed<\/span><\/a> a proposal to build a park to honor Jeong Yul-seong, another Korean independence fighter. Jeong, also known by his Chinese name Zheng Lucheng, is revered in China and North Korea for composing many of their military anthems.<\/span><\/p>\n

In both cases, South Korean progressives underscore these figures\u2019 contributions to the fight against Japanese colonial rule. In contrast, conservatives emphasize their affiliations with communist movements; and in Jeong\u2019s case, his direct contributions to North Korea. Both situations reflect the central government\u2019s drive to present a version of history that bolsters its ideological standpoints and political narratives.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, conservatives aren\u2019t alone in using historical narratives for modern-day political advantage. The Moon Jae-in administration had commissioned the bust of Hong Beom-do, which conservatives argue sought to <\/span>improve inter-Korean relations<\/span><\/a> by celebrating a figure respected in both North and South Korea. Moreover, the Yoon administration\u2019s foray into history hasn\u2019t yet matched the Park Geun-hye administration\u2019s failed bid to mandate <\/span>state-issued history textbooks<\/span><\/a> in public schools.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, the extent of the Yoon administration\u2019s commitment to reshaping historical narratives remains to be seen. While the intricacies of Rhee\u2019s rule or Hong Beom-do\u2019s life might seem tangential to South Korea\u2019s future, the selective use of history by politicians and commentators for transient political benefit risks intensifying the nation\u2019s political divide. This could further inflame the incessant zero-sum political battle between South Korea\u2019s two major political parties.<\/span><\/p>\n

Culture & Society<\/span><\/a>Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Lee In-su, the adopted son of the ROK\u2019s first president, Syngman Rhee, expressed remorse for the repression of the April Revolution of 1960 and apologized to the victims of state violence. 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