{"id":2201604,"date":"2023-07-06T17:30:43","date_gmt":"2023-07-06T08:30:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2201604"},"modified":"2023-07-07T17:47:41","modified_gmt":"2023-07-07T08:47:41","slug":"why-south-korean-lawmakers-are-renouncing-their-right-to-immunity-from-arrest","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/07\/why-south-korean-lawmakers-are-renouncing-their-right-to-immunity-from-arrest\/","title":{"rendered":"Why South Korean lawmakers are renouncing their right to immunity from arrest"},"content":{"rendered":"

Main opposition Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung made an <\/span>unexpected announcement<\/span><\/a> last month that he would forgo his parliamentary immunity from arrest, insisting he has nothing to hide despite being under prosecution investigation.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee voiced his declaration during a National Assembly address on June 19, criticizing the Yoon administration for allegedly prioritizing \u201craids, arrests and political strife\u201d rather than addressing economic and diplomatic issues.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee claimed that he has been the target of over 300 raids by the prosecution. This investigation has implicated individuals associated with him during his tenure as the mayor of Seongnam and governor of Gyeonggi Province.<\/span><\/p>\n

Critics have often described the non-arrest privilege granted to Lee and other lawmakers under the ROK Constitution as a \u201cbulletproof vest,\u201d and the possibility that Lee would exercise the privilege has negatively affected his public image.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite President Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s consistent unpopularity, the <\/span>approval ratings<\/span><\/a> for the DP and the ruling People Power Party (PPP) are nearly identical at 34% and 33%, respectively. This parity is significant, given that the DP has consistently portrayed itself as more ethically and morally responsible than the PPP.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lee\u2019s supporters have broadly praised his decision as an indicator of his transparency and honesty. But some critics <\/span>contend<\/span><\/a> that his action is too little, too late.<\/span><\/p>\n

Regardless, his announcement has intensified demands for lawmakers to renounce their non-arrest privileges, though it remains unclear whether they will accede to these calls.<\/span><\/p>\n

HOW THE TURNS TABLE<\/b><\/p>\n

Article 44, Section 1 of the <\/span>ROK Constitution<\/span><\/a> states that \u201cDuring the sessions of the National Assembly, no member of the National Assembly shall be arrested or detained without the consent of the National Assembly\u201d unless caught in the act of committing an offense.<\/span><\/p>\n

This provision aims to protect the parliament \u2014 a co-equal branch of the South Korean government \u2014 from arbitrary or politically motivated arrests by the executive branch.<\/span><\/p>\n

Historically, even past governments under the control of South Korea\u2019s military dictators upheld this right. The <\/span>1980 Constitution<\/span><\/a> under Chun Doo-hwan (Article 80) and the <\/span>1972 Yushin Constitution<\/span><\/a> under Park Chung-hee (Article 79) extended the same protections now found in Article 44.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, the DP has recently faced criticism for what some perceive as an abuse of Article 44 to shield its lawmakers from the consequences of their actions. Lee Jae-myung narrowly <\/span>avoided jail time<\/span><\/a> earlier this year following a close parliamentary vote. Prosecutors accused Lee of involvement in corruption during his tenure as the mayor of Seongnam, a suburb south of Seoul.<\/span><\/p>\n

Two former DP lawmakers, Yoon Gwan-seok and Lee Seong-man, accused of distributing cash envelopes to sway party leadership elections, <\/span>also evaded arrest<\/span><\/a>. In December, the National Assembly <\/span>rejected a motion<\/span><\/a> to permit the detention of four-term DP lawmaker Noh Woong-rae, who stands accused of bribery.<\/span><\/p>\n

As a result, public sentiment appears to be shifting regarding parliamentarians\u2019 right to immunity from arrest. A February <\/span>Gallup Korea poll<\/span><\/a> revealed that 57% of South Koreans believe the non-arrest privilege should be abolished, with only 27% advocating for its retention.<\/span><\/p>\n

In response, 51 PPP lawmakers <\/span>pledged<\/span><\/a> to forfeit their non-arrest privileges voluntarily on March 23.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Kim Eun-kyung, the head of the Democratic Party’s innovation committee, attends a meeting, July 6, 2023 | Image: Democratic Party of Korea<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

INTRA-PARTY CONFLICT<\/b><\/p>\n

The DP is grappling with how to respond in the face of mounting criticism. Last month, the party\u2019s innovation committee, chaired by Kim Eun-kyung, <\/span>requested<\/span><\/a> that all members pledge to renounce their parliamentary immunity and adopt the passage of arrest motions as party policy.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

To deliver on her pledge, Kim recently <\/span>called<\/span><\/a> for a closed-door meeting with the party\u2019s permanent advisory group to engage in \u201cfrank talks\u201d about the party’s future direction. This move followed a spate of unusually harsh criticism from the committee.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThere is a significant gap between the disappointment that the people feel about the Democratic Party and how party insiders view themselves,\u201d she remarked.<\/span><\/p>\n

Given her rhetoric, it is likely that Kim will use the meeting to press the party leadership to accept her proposal on renouncing parliamentary immunity. But this move could face significant opposition.<\/span><\/p>\n

Former DP leader Song Young-gil, despite <\/span>leaving the party<\/span><\/a> in April over allegations of financial impropriety, voiced his \u201cabsolute opposition\u201d to lawmakers relinquishing their non-arrest privileges.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIf no non-arrest privilege exists, how can the legislature fight against the prosecution\u2019s dictatorship? It would be tantamount to surrender, and the Democratic Party would be giving up its role as an opposition party,\u201d Song <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> during a radio interview.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe prosecution\u2019s dictatorship\u201d is a phrase often used by critics of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration. Yoon is a former public prosecutor who served as prosecutor general from 2019 to 2021 during the Moon Jae-in administration, coming into conflict with the president over a campaign to reform the prosecution.<\/span><\/p>\n

While DP leader Lee Jae-myung has announced his decision to relinquish his non-arrest privileges, he has also secured political backing from the rest of the DP leadership, despite already being <\/span>indicted<\/span><\/a>.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In May, DP secretary-general Cho Jeong-sik <\/span>stated<\/span><\/a> that Lee would retain his party chairmanship despite the indictment, citing \u201cunjust circumstances or reasons, such as political oppression against the indicted individual,\u201d as per the <\/span>party\u2019s constitution<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Other DP lawmakers, particularly those lacking Lee\u2019s clout or name recognition, are unlikely to receive similar protections. Even though dozens of PPP lawmakers pledged to renounce their privileges, DP lawmakers may perceive this as a political ploy, given that many officials in the Yoon administration are former prosecutors.<\/span><\/p>\n

What\u2019s clear is that public sentiment has turned against the use of parliamentary non-arrest privileges to shield lawmakers. This legal privilege, which dates back to 17th-century England, appears increasingly out of place in modern politics.<\/span><\/p>\n

And this means how the two parties approach the law could have significant repercussions for the future of Lee\u2019s party leadership, the upcoming parliamentary election and beyond.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by Bryan Betts<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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