{"id":2201310,"date":"2023-06-07T19:19:52","date_gmt":"2023-06-07T10:19:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2201310"},"modified":"2023-06-08T18:50:46","modified_gmt":"2023-06-08T09:50:46","slug":"how-south-korea-uses-arms-sales-to-foster-strategic-relations-with-asean","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/06\/how-south-korea-uses-arms-sales-to-foster-strategic-relations-with-asean\/","title":{"rendered":"How South Korea uses arms sales to foster strategic relations with ASEAN"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Yoon Suk-yeol administration is leveraging arms sales as a key means of diplomacy under a broader <\/span>Indo-Pacific strategy<\/span><\/i><\/a>. The strategy encompasses also seeks to deepen strategic engagement with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states, but Seoul\u2019s approach could invite Chinese retaliation, which would likely be more substantial than the ones that its allies have faced so far.<\/span><\/p>\n

ASEAN CENTRALITY<\/b><\/p>\n

The ROK\u2019s goal is to enhance ties with ASEAN and its individual member states via arms sales in response to the changing security environment.<\/span><\/p>\n

Recent collaborations have seen Hyundai Heavy Industries <\/span>producing<\/span><\/a> Jose Rizal-class frigates and constructing offshore patrol vessels for the Philippines. Concurrently, Daewoo Shipbuilding and Marine Engineering (now Hanwha Ocean) has <\/span>shipped<\/span><\/a> three Chang Bogo-class attack submarines to Indonesia.<\/span><\/p>\n

In addition, Thailand and Indonesia currently operate T-50 Golden Eagle trainer aircraft, the Philippines operate the FA-50 light fighter variant and Malaysia has recently <\/span>placed an order<\/span><\/a> for the Block 20 variant of the FA-50.<\/span><\/p>\n

The region\u2019s arms sales are now accompanied by <\/span>greater security and strategic engagement<\/span><\/a> than the traditional offers of technology transfer and local assembly.<\/span><\/p>\n

The ROK\u2019s defense relations with ASEAN member states gained momentum under President Moon Jae-in\u2019s <\/span>New Southern Policy<\/span><\/a>. Several memorandums of understanding on defense cooperation were signed with individual ASEAN members between 2017 and 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Yoon administration has capitalized on this momentum, conducting <\/span>the first informal meeting<\/span><\/a> of Korean and ASEAN defense ministers in 2021. Further efforts are being made to regularize these meetings.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol meets with Indonesian President Joko Widodo during the G20 Indonesia Summit, Nov. 15, 2022 | Image: ROK Presidential Office<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

MORE THAN JUST WEAPONS<\/b><\/p>\n

South Korea\u2019s defense cooperation strategy with ASEAN has traditionally focused on marketing South Korean weaponry to member states, with diplomacy extending <\/span>minimally<\/span><\/a> beyond the realms of sales.<\/span><\/p>\n

But Seoul appears to be waking up to the benefits that a more robust security relationship with the region can offer. The most obvious benefit lies in the demonstration of Seoul\u2019s commitment to its pledges outlined in the Indo-Pacific strategy. Providing ASEAN nations with military equipment showcases South Korea\u2019s genuine interest in aiding these nations in establishing a robust sovereign military deterrent.<\/span><\/p>\n

Such support will likely be appreciated by those ASEAN nations contesting China\u2019s controversial <\/span>nine-dash line<\/span><\/a> \u2014 the U-shaped route that stretches over 700 nautical miles from China\u2019s coastline, encircling most of the South China Sea.<\/span><\/p>\n

When contrasting the defense budgets of South Korea with those of ASEAN member states, it becomes apparent that the ASEAN countries typically function within more constrained military budgets.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, in 2023, Singapore, which is acknowledged as the largest spender on defense amongst ASEAN nations, designated <\/span>$13.4 billion<\/span><\/a> toward its military expenditure. By comparison, South Korea proposed a notably larger defense budget of <\/span>$42.1 billion<\/span><\/a> for the same year.<\/span><\/p>\n

So, the price-performance ratio becomes a crucial consideration in procurement decisions. By successfully exporting to ASEAN, the ROK can prove that its defense products offer excellent value for money.<\/span><\/p>\n

This success also allows the Korean defense industry to establish a foothold in a market traditionally dominated by <\/span>Russia<\/span><\/a>, <\/span>China<\/span><\/a> and, to a growing extent, <\/span>Turkey<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, Malaysia and Poland\u2019s decision to purchase Korea-made FA-50 light attack aircraft has elevated the jets\u2019 international reputation.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSeveral potential clients want to take a very close look at the aircraft,\u201d JaeHong Jake Kim, KAI\u2019s vice president and international business department head, told <\/span>Korea Pro<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n

The use of ROK military equipment by ASEAN nations also stands to gain considerable media attention, further bolstering its profile. For instance, under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the Philippines has embedded journalists on Coast Guard and Navy ships patrolling areas of the Philippines Exclusive Economic Zone \u2014 territory claimed by China.<\/span><\/p>\n

In a parallel development, Malaysia has ordered the FA-50 Block 20s to replace the Hawk light fighters previously used to <\/span>intercept a PLA Air Force convoy<\/span><\/a> that intruded into Malaysia\u2019s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) in May 2021.<\/span><\/p>\n

This media attention on Korean equipment defending ASEAN nations\u2019 sovereignty provides another opportunity for Seoul to reaffirm its commitment to forging deeper strategic ties with ASEAN states and that Korean military equipment is not just for display but indeed active players in regional defense.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

South Korea showcases its homegrown FA-50 fighter jets, Oct. 21, 2016 | Image: Korea Aerospace Institute<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

CHINA RISK FACTOR<\/b><\/p>\n

However, the use of arms sales as a diplomatic tool is not without potential pitfalls. As South Korea works to build military capabilities and enhance strategic coordination with ASEAN states challenging China\u2019s nine-dash line claim, it runs the risk of eliciting adverse reactions from China, potentially leading to economic retaliation from its largest trading partner.<\/span><\/p>\n

Seoul appears confident it can carefully navigate these geopolitical complexities, repeatedly asserting that its Indo-Pacific strategy \u201cneither targets nor excludes any particular country,\u201d simultaneously identifying China as a \u201ckey partner\u201d in ensuring regional peace.<\/span><\/p>\n

Yet Seoul could find its diplomatic balance tested if tensions between China and ASEAN\u2019s South China Sea <\/span>claimants<\/span><\/a> \u2014\u00a0 Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines \u2014 escalate.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Should this occur, South Korean defense contractors supplying these claimants \u2014 or their parent companies \u2014 may face Chinese sanctions. The precedent for such measures can be found in the sanctions imposed by Beijing on Lockheed Martin and Raytheon Missiles and Defense in February for their <\/span>exports to Taiwan<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although these sanctions against American contractors are largely symbolic, given they do not do business with the Chinese market, the situation for Korean defense contractors is more complex. The diversified nature of their parent companies \u2014 entities such as Hanwha and Hyundai that have significant <\/span>civilian-sector operations<\/span><\/a> in China \u2014 exposes them to a very real risk of economic retaliation.<\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, executives of these companies and their associates may need to exercise caution regarding trips to China, given the potential for being drawn into hostage diplomacy \u2014 a situation reminiscent of the experiences of Canadian citizens <\/span>Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Another potential risk is that exporting military equipment to more repressive ASEAN regimes could undermine the stated goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, particularly those centered around deepening regional strategic cooperation based on universal values.<\/span><\/p>\n

Notably, Seoul only announced in March 2021, a month after the military coup that ousted Myanmar\u2019s civilian government, that it would <\/span>halt<\/span><\/a> military exchanges with Myanmar\u2019s military. Yet it continues to describe its relationship with Myanmar as \u201csteadfast\u201d in the Indo-Pacific strategy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Similarly, while the Thai military has reportedly <\/span>pledged<\/span><\/a> not to stage a coup following <\/span>recent elections<\/span><\/a> that saw parties allied with the military routed, a potential change of heart could force Seoul into a difficult decision. The ROK will have to decide whether to uphold its strategy\u2019s emphasis on universal values or adhere to its principle of not targeting or excluding any specific country.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Indo-Pacific strategy was developed as a response to the regional dynamics that South Korea perceives as necessitating its increased involvement to promote a free and prosperous region.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Given the emphasis placed on ASEAN in this strategy, defense sales diplomacy to the region may emerge as a challenging endeavor in the coming years.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Defense & Security<\/span><\/a>Inter-Korean & Foreign Relations<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Yoon Suk-yeol administration is leveraging arms sales as a key means of diplomacy under a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. The strategy encompasses also seeks to deepen strategic engagement with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states, but Seoul\u2019s approach could invite Chinese retaliation, which would likely be more substantial than the ones that its […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10207,"featured_media":2201315,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[26,28],"yoast_head":"\nHow South Korea uses arms sales to foster strategic relations with ASEAN - KOREA PRO<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/06\/how-south-korea-uses-arms-sales-to-foster-strategic-relations-with-asean\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How South Korea uses arms sales to foster strategic relations with ASEAN - KOREA PRO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Yoon Suk-yeol administration is leveraging arms sales as a key means of diplomacy under a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. 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