{"id":2200749,"date":"2023-04-18T20:05:53","date_gmt":"2023-04-18T11:05:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/?p=2200749"},"modified":"2023-04-20T10:24:19","modified_gmt":"2023-04-20T01:24:19","slug":"despite-improved-rok-japan-ties-an-intel-alliance-remains-a-step-too-far","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/04\/despite-improved-rok-japan-ties-an-intel-alliance-remains-a-step-too-far\/","title":{"rendered":"Despite improved ROK-Japan ties, an intel alliance remains a step too far"},"content":{"rendered":"

ROK principal deputy national security adviser Kim Tae-hyo recently <\/span>floated the idea<\/span><\/a> that Seoul and Washington expand their \u201cintelligence alliance\u201d to include Japan. This marks the first time a South Korean official has used the term \u201calliance\u201d in the context of the country’s partnership with Tokyo.<\/span><\/p>\n

The rationale for potentially including Japan in the ROK\u2019s intelligence-sharing pact with the U.S. is clear: North Korea\u2019s <\/span>missiles and nuclear weapons<\/span><\/a> pose a threat to Seoul, Tokyo and the tens of thousands of U.S. forces stationed in both countries. China’s growing influence and <\/span>military assertiveness<\/span><\/a> in the Indo-Pacific region are also driving the two rivals closer together.<\/span><\/p>\n

While South Korea and Japan have a military intelligence-sharing pact, the <\/span>General Security of Military Intelligence Act (GSOMIA)<\/span><\/a>, the deal is not comprehensive. It is a mostly symbolic mechanism that does not obligate either country to share any military intelligence. Instead, GSOMIA <\/span>requires<\/span><\/a> both countries to use their respective domestic laws to protect the military intelligence they provide each other.<\/span><\/p>\n

Intelligence sharing between the two countries is typically done through the U.S. via their respective defense treaties with Washington. By formally including Japan in the U.S.-ROK intelligence-sharing pact, the three nations could improve their coordination and joint responses to North Korean missile and nuclear threats.<\/span><\/p>\n

But the high probability of significant pushback from South Korea\u2019s main opposition Democratic Party (DP), which still maintains a parliamentary majority, and widespread suspicion about Japan among the general public, means that Yoon has his work cut out for him if he\u2019s going to realize such a deal.<\/span><\/p>\n

NORMALIZING RELATIONS<\/b><\/p>\n

Including Japan in this \u201calliance\u201d has the additional benefit of cementing ties between Seoul and Tokyo, which the Yoon administration hopes to normalize before his term ends. <\/span>Polls<\/span><\/a> indicate that many South Koreans oppose President Yoon Suk-yeol\u2019s diplomatic outreach to Tokyo \u2014 primarily driven by perceptions that Seoul caved to Tokyo\u2019s demands without having much to show for it.<\/span><\/p>\n

The lack of public support and Yoon\u2019s low approval ratings could lead to the next South Korean president to scrap his policy of compensating South Korean victims of Japanese forced labor programs, leading bilateral relations to deteriorate once again.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, Yoon would make it harder for his successor to undo his initiatives if he can elevate Japan\u2019s status from a partner country to an ally through a strengthened intelligence pact \u2014 even if the DP retakes the presidency in 2027.<\/span><\/p>\n

Already the DP has been leading opposition to Yoon\u2019s efforts to repair ties with Tokyo. DP leader Lee Jae-myung <\/span>stated<\/span><\/a>, for instance, that Yoon\u2019s plan to compensate South Korean victims of wartime forced labor might result in the deployment of Japanese Self-Defense Forces troops in South Korea. He has also repeatedly described Yoon\u2019s attitude toward Japan as \u201c<\/span>subservient<\/span><\/a>\u201d and \u201c<\/span>humiliating<\/span><\/a>.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Kim Tae-hyo appeared to acknowledge such opposition and seek to mitigate criticism when he <\/span>added<\/span><\/a> that including Japan in a U.S.-ROK intelligence pact could be \u201cconsidered in a step-by-step manner or on a case-by-case basis.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In addition to domestic opposition, North Korea and China will likely respond negatively to Japan\u2019s inclusion in the intelligence-sharing pact. Pyongyang and Beijing will interpret the move as the three allies improving their cooperation and ability to coordinate against them, leading to further deterioration in Seoul\u2019s relations with both countries and possible military provocations.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

ROKS Gwanggaeto the Great (DDH-971), Jan. 1, 2012 | Image: Wikimedia Commons<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

CHALLENGES AHEAD<\/b><\/p>\n

Formally inviting Japan into the intelligence-sharing pact with the U.S. will be challenging, as it would necessitate the establishment of a new legal framework.<\/span><\/p>\n

Five Eyes<\/span><\/a>, an intelligence alliance comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the U.K. and the U.S., offers the kind of legal framework needed for the U.S., ROK and Japan to form a functional and politically viable intelligence pact.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

According to declassified information about <\/span>the British-U.S. Communication Intelligence Agreement of 1946<\/span><\/a>, the foundation document for today\u2019s Five Eyes system, \u201cthe parties agree to the exchange of the products of the following operations relating to foreign communications: collection of traffic, acquisition of communication documents and equipment, traffic analysis, cryptanalysis, decryption and translation, acquisition of information regarding communication organizations, practices, procedures, and equipment.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

For the ROK and Japan to enter such a comprehensive military intelligence-sharing agreement, officials from both countries must engage in regular high-level dialogues and joint military exercises to build trust and cooperation. But trust between Seoul and Tokyo has long been in short supply.<\/span><\/p>\n

In 2018, for instance, Japan <\/span>accused<\/span><\/a> a South Korean navy destroyer, the ROKS Gwanggaeto the Great (DDH-971) of directing a fire control radar system toward a Japanese P-1 maritime patrol aircraft. Then-Japanese defense minister Takeshi Iwaya described the South Korean action as \u201cextremely dangerous.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Seoul <\/span>rejected<\/span><\/a> the claim, saying Tokyo misinterpreted its naval operation to help a North Korean ship drifting near the inter-Korean maritime border in the East Sea (Sea of Japan).<\/span><\/p>\n

A radar lock, while not damaging to targeted assets, is considered a threat as the next step may be a missile launch.<\/span><\/p>\n

The incident has not yet been resolved and will likely be used by South Korean and Japanese politicians who oppose detente to block the formation of any significant intelligence-sharing pact. Tokyo will probably insist that Seoul formally recognize and apologize for the incident, and the Yoon administration, which has already spent <\/span>considerable political capital<\/span><\/a> on improving relations with Tokyo, is not likely to acquiesce.<\/span><\/p>\n

While there would be significant benefits to a formal intelligence-sharing pact between Seoul and Tokyo, too much distrust exists between the two countries for such an agreement to be realized in the near future. Although the Yoon administration may work toward such a pact, it will remain a long-term goal, at least until next year\u2019s parliamentary elections.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by Bryan Betts<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Defense & Security<\/span><\/a>Inter-Korean & Foreign Relations<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

ROK principal deputy national security adviser Kim Tae-hyo recently floated the idea that Seoul and Washington expand their \u201cintelligence alliance\u201d to include Japan. This marks the first time a South Korean official has used the term \u201calliance\u201d in the context of the country’s partnership with Tokyo. The rationale for potentially including Japan in the ROK\u2019s […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10407,"featured_media":2200750,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[26,28],"class_list":["post-2200749","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-defense-security","tag-inter-korean-foreign-relations"],"yoast_head":"\nDespite improved ROK-Japan ties, an intel alliance remains a step too far - KOREA PRO<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/04\/despite-improved-rok-japan-ties-an-intel-alliance-remains-a-step-too-far\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Despite improved ROK-Japan ties, an intel alliance remains a step too far - KOREA PRO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"ROK principal deputy national security adviser Kim Tae-hyo recently floated the idea that Seoul and Washington expand their \u201cintelligence alliance\u201d to include Japan. 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