{"id":2199951,"date":"2023-01-25T08:39:11","date_gmt":"2023-01-25T08:39:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nknews.org\/koreapro\/?p=2199951"},"modified":"2023-04-05T16:10:17","modified_gmt":"2023-04-05T07:10:17","slug":"why-south-koreans-are-unified-on-china-but-divided-over-north-korea","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/01\/why-south-koreans-are-unified-on-china-but-divided-over-north-korea\/","title":{"rendered":"Why South Koreans are unified on China but divided over North Korea"},"content":{"rendered":"

It would be easy to assume that South Korea\u2019s relationships with China and North Korea are inextricably linked, not least because Beijing is Pyongyang\u2019s biggest backer. And South Koreans are in broad agreement that China and the DPRK pose significant security challenges.<\/span><\/p>\n

But public opinion breaks down quite differently. South Koreans across the political spectrum feel mostly negatively about China, but there are fundamental divides between the left and right about how to handle North Korea.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

This political rift goes back to the Korean War, reflecting uncertainty in the ROK about the DPRK\u2019s place within Korean identity. And by understanding how this shapes South Koreans\u2019 divergent views toward China and North Korea, <\/span>alliance managers can better<\/span> calibrate expectations<\/span> and coordinate their policies.<\/span><\/p>\n

BIPARTISAN CHINA POLICY<\/b><\/p>\n

Recent political discourse about China might give the impression that there has been rising polarization in recent years. While he was running for president, President Yoon Suk-yeol repeatedly vowed to take a tougher stance on China and criticized his predecessor\u2019s policies as \u201c<\/span>pro-China<\/span><\/a>.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Conservatives have accused Moon Jae-in and other progressives of submitting to Beijing since the Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system <\/span>controversy<\/span><\/a> in 2016 and 2017. Shortly before Moon was elected president, the now-defunct Liberty Korea Party, the People Power Party\u2019s (PPP) predecessor, <\/span>argued<\/span><\/a> that the Democratic Party was taking a \u201cpathetic\u201d and \u201creckless\u201d stance by arguing that the missile defense system should be stopped for fear of Chinese retaliation.<\/span><\/p>\n

Yet beyond the rhetoric, conservatives and progressives broadly agree that they must resist Chinese bullying and that South Korea should \u2014 without provoking China \u2014 strengthen its alliance with the U.S.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Polls show that South Korean views of China have deteriorated sharply since 2017, to the extent that many South Koreans now view China <\/span>less<\/span><\/a> favorably<\/span><\/a> than Japan. This shift occurred across the political spectrum, even as conservatives remain <\/span>slightly more<\/span><\/a> distrustful of China than progressives.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite criticism from the right, the Moon administration condemned Beijing\u2019s unofficial sanctions campaign and ultimately supported THAAD deployment. And although Yoon has portrayed his pursuit of a closer relationship with the U.S. as a change from the past, his efforts build on steps <\/span>Moon took<\/span><\/a> to strengthen the alliance throughout 2020 and 2021.<\/span><\/p>\n

That South Korea\u2019s two main political camps have broadly similar China policies is, to some extent, unsurprising. One of the <\/span>most widely accepted theories<\/span><\/a> in international relations is that foreign threats produce domestic unity.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Panmunjom at the inter-Korean demilitarized zone | Image: NK News (Sept. 2015)<\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

DIVISIVE NORTH KOREA POLICY<\/b><\/p>\n

However, North Korea is a different matter. Although most South Koreans see North Korea as a significant security threat, the left and right disagree over how their government should handle the inter-Korean relationship.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

For example, after North Korea\u2019s first nuclear weapons test in Oct. 2006, then-President Roh Moo-hyun, a progressive stalwart, <\/span>doubled down<\/span><\/a> on inter-Korean engagement and humanitarian aid policies. On the other hand, Roh\u2019s conservative successor, Lee Myung-bak, made economic assistance conditional on progress toward denuclearization and publicly criticized Pyongyang\u2019s human rights record.<\/span><\/p>\n

A decade later, Moon revived inter-Korean rapprochement during his presidency, including three summits with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in 2018 in an attempt to assure Pyongyang of Seoul\u2019s peaceful intentions. The two Koreas also took a number of additional steps toward detente such as family reunions and an inter-Korean military agreement.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Like Lee Myung-bak, however, Yoon reversed course once again and abandoned proactive engagement. The onus is once again on Pyongyang to make concessions. Yoon has also promised economic assistance for denuclearization and condemned Pyongyang\u2019s human rights violations.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Yoon has gone further, <\/span>pushing<\/span><\/a> for \u201cjoint planning and execution\u201d of nuclear assets with the U.S. and appearing to suggest South Korea could even develop its own nuclear weapons program if conditions become \u201cmore serious.\u201d He\u2019s the first president to <\/span>publicly suggest<\/span><\/a> this course of action.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

FORMATIVE RIFT<\/b><\/p>\n

The discrepancy between Seoul\u2019s policies toward Beijing and Pyongyang is in North Korea\u2019s ambiguous position within South Korean national identity. Essentially, a country is less likely to unite against a foreign threat when a \u201c<\/span>formative rift<\/span><\/a>\u201d in its history divides political groups over national identity issues and causes them to perceive the danger differently.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Political science professors Murat Somer and Jennifer McCoy <\/span>explain<\/span><\/a> that formative rifts are \u201clong-standing and deep-cutting divisions that either emerged or could not be resolved during the formation of nation-states, or, sometimes, during fundamental re-formations of states\u201d such as after civil wars or transitions from communism to capitalism.<\/span><\/p>\n

The rift on the peninsula dates back to the Korean War. Since then, South Korean conservatives have primarily seen the DPRK as an enemy state to be defeated. In contrast, progressives have viewed North Koreans as estranged kin they ought to reconcile with, albeit a security challenge.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

These differing perspectives on national identity lead to differing perceptions of threats from Pyongyang, resulting in South Korean progressives being more disposed to engagement and compromise. This discrepancy is evident in many ROK progressives\u2019 <\/span>initial reluctance<\/span><\/a> to support THAAD deployment, as it stemmed partly from the notion that doing so would be needlessly provocative to North Korea.<\/span><\/p>\n

In contrast, South Koreans do not have a comparable formative rift over China. During the Cold War, conservatives were concerned that progressives were communists and possibly pro-Beijing, but views on China did not raise fundamental issues of national identity.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, starting in the 1990s, successive conservative and progressive administrations had similar China policies based on a desire for robust economic cooperation balanced with security cooperation with the U.S. For example, Park Geun-hye, despite being a conservative and the daughter of the anti-communist dictator Park Chung-hee, pursued largely <\/span>China-friendly policies<\/span><\/a> during the 2010s.<\/span><\/p>\n

This lack of a formative rift over China made it easier for Beijing\u2019s pressure campaign on THAAD to serve as a unifying threat, thus producing domestic cohesion.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Unless Pyongyang forces South Koreans to perceive it as a significant threat, such as by conducting a seventh nuclear weapons test, President Yoon Suk-yeol will have much broader support for his approach to China than North Korea. Historically rooted identity issues have erected lasting divisions that might be too challenging for any president to overcome otherwise.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Culture & Society<\/span><\/a>Inter-Korean & Foreign Relations<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

It would be easy to assume that South Korea\u2019s relationships with China and North Korea are inextricably linked, not least because Beijing is Pyongyang\u2019s biggest backer. And South Koreans are in broad agreement that China and the DPRK pose significant security challenges. But public opinion breaks down quite differently. South Koreans across the political spectrum […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10407,"featured_media":2199952,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[25,28],"class_list":["post-2199951","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","tag-culture-society","tag-inter-korean-foreign-relations"],"yoast_head":"\nWhy South Koreans are unified on China but divided over North Korea - KOREA PRO<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2023\/01\/why-south-koreans-are-unified-on-china-but-divided-over-north-korea\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Why South Koreans are unified on China but divided over North Korea - KOREA PRO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"It would be easy to assume that South Korea\u2019s relationships with China and North Korea are inextricably linked, not least because Beijing is Pyongyang\u2019s biggest backer. 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