{"id":2199770,"date":"2022-12-23T10:01:10","date_gmt":"2022-12-23T10:01:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nknews.org\/koreapro\/?p=2199770"},"modified":"2023-04-05T16:10:29","modified_gmt":"2023-04-05T07:10:29","slug":"south-korean-media-diverge-on-whether-japans-new-security-strategy-poses-threat","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2022\/12\/south-korean-media-diverge-on-whether-japans-new-security-strategy-poses-threat\/","title":{"rendered":"South Korean media diverge on whether Japan\u2019s new security strategy poses threat"},"content":{"rendered":"

When Japan unveiled its new <\/span>National Security Strategy<\/span><\/a> (NSS) and two other strategy documents last week, it signaled a significant turning point in Japan\u2019s defense policy as Tokyo enshrined its most significant military buildup since World War II. Amid <\/span>growing threats<\/span><\/a> from regional rivals and criticisms from <\/span>certain segments<\/span><\/a> of the U.S. of free riding, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida instructed his defense and finance ministers to secure the necessary funds to boost yearly defense spending to around 2% of GDP in fiscal 2027.<\/span><\/p>\n

With its defense overhaul, Japan describes one of those regional rivals \u2014 China \u2014 as its \u201cgreatest strategic challenge.\u201d China\u2019s growing naval and air forces have been testing Japan\u2019s defense of the Senkaku Islands, which Beijing calls the Diaoyus \u2014 an uninhabited chain of islands in the East China Sea that Japan controls.<\/span><\/p>\n

Unsurprisingly, Tokyo\u2019s most notable allies, such as the U.S. and Australia, were quick to welcome this shift in policy. U.S. President Joe Biden was one of the first world leaders to embrace Japan\u2019s NSS when he <\/span>tweeted<\/span><\/a>, \u201cOur alliance is the cornerstone of a free and open Indo-Pacific and we welcome Japan\u2019s contributions to peace and prosperity.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Tellingly, Japan\u2019s description of China as its \u201cgreatest strategic challenge\u201d is similar to the U.S. government\u2019s <\/span>designation<\/span><\/a> of China as its \u201cmost consequential geopolitical challenge.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Unsurprisingly, Beijing <\/span>strongly criticized<\/span><\/a> Japan\u2019s NSS and said it is \u201cfirmly opposed\u201d to China\u2019s designation as Tokyo\u2019s \u201cgreatest strategic challenge.\u201d North Korea also <\/span>accused<\/span><\/a> Japan of \u201ccreating a security crisis\u201d in the region.<\/span><\/p>\n

But while the ROK foreign ministry <\/span>protested<\/span><\/a> Japan\u2019s renewed claims over the Dokdo Islets, Seoul\u2019s overall reaction was polite. A spokesperson from the presidential office <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> a shift in Japan\u2019s defense policy is \u201ca matter that can be discussed within the framework of security cooperation.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The same cannot be said for South Korean media and society writ large. The country\u2019s nationalist left variously described Japan\u2019s new security strategy as a return to imperial militarism, an affront to Korean sovereignty, or worse, underlining how anti-Japanese feeling continues to bedevil the Yoon administration\u2019s efforts to repair ties.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

President Yoon Suk-yeol attends a trilateral ROK-US-Japan summit, Nov. 13, 2022 | Image:\u00a0ROK Presidential Office<\/a><\/p><\/div>\n

SOUTH KOREA\u2019S MIXED RESPONSE<\/b><\/p>\n

Data<\/span><\/a> from the Gallup Institute shows that ROK conservatives and progressives are increasingly in disagreement on how they view Japan. And alliance management overseers would be wise to keep a close watch.<\/span><\/p>\n

Not unlike the Yoon administration, ROK conservatives have been calmer than progressives about Japan\u2019s NSS. A <\/span>Donga Ilbo<\/span><\/i> newspaper\u2019s <\/span>column<\/span><\/a> provided a tepid warning: \u201cIt is difficult to rule out the possibility of awakening the monstrous instincts [of Japan] that have been dormant for 77 years.\u201d Meanwhile, other major conservative newspapers, such as the <\/span>Chosun Ilbo<\/span><\/i>, have refrained from criticizing the NSS.<\/span><\/p>\n

Progressive media outlets, on the other hand, have been less shy about vocalizing anti-Japanese sentiments. For example, <\/span>Kyunghyang Daily<\/span><\/i> claimed<\/span><\/a> that Japan’s shift in its defense policy \u201cshould be an issue of concern because [Kishida] discarded the Peace Constitution and opened the way for Japan to become a military power.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Choi Jong-gun, who served as vice minister of foreign affairs in the Moon Jae-in administration, <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> in an interview for MBC radio that Japan \u201cdenies Korea\u2019s territorial and historical identity.\u201d He also claimed that the Yoon Suk-yeol administration overlooked this alleged diplomatic insult because it was too busy cheering for ROK-U.S.-Japan cooperation.<\/span><\/p>\n

Jung Eui-gil, a columnist at the <\/span>Hankyoreh<\/span><\/i> newspaper, <\/span>wrote<\/span><\/a>, \u201cJapan made its \u2018counterstrike capability\u2019 doctrine official, which is, in effect, a preemptive strike capability on enemy bases. So, how can we accept that Japan has designated any part of the Korean Peninsula, a region our constitution declares as our sovereign territory, as a zone that falls under their preemptive attack parameters?\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Less influential newspapers published even more extreme op-eds. For example, a columnist for a South Gyeongsang Province newspaper <\/span>argued<\/span><\/a> that South Korea should invade Japan immediately.<\/span><\/p>\n

Article 3<\/span><\/a> of the ROK Constitution declares that the territory of the Republic of Korea shall consist of the Korean Peninsula and its adjacent islands. Some commentators, therefore, argue that if Japan were to strike North Korea, that would, by default, <\/span>constitute<\/span><\/a> a violation of South Korea\u2019s sovereignty.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

The U.S., Japanese and South Korean flags, July 2018, via Wikimedia Commons<\/a><\/p><\/div>\n

WAKING UP TO REALITY<\/b><\/p>\n

Of course, Korean nationalists\u2019 concerns about the NSS are groundless, as counterstrikes are not the same as preemptive strikes. The NSS <\/span>stipulates<\/span><\/a> that striking enemy bases are permissible \u201cas long as it is deemed that there are no other means to defend against attack by guided missiles and others,\u201d as this counts as \u201cself-defense.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In other words, if Japan ever finds itself deciding to attack North Korea, it would only do so because there was credible intelligence, which Tokyo would have shared with Washington and Seoul, that North Korea was about to strike first. And, by default, that would mean that South Korea would almost certainly be on the brink of war with the DPRK.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ken Jimbo, a professor of Policy Management at Keio University, <\/span>said<\/span><\/a> in an interview with <\/span>Asahi Shimbun <\/span><\/i>that under such a scenario, \u201cThe main agent of response to a North Korean attack would be the ROK-U.S. alliance, while Japan\u2019s role of providing counterattack capabilities would be secondary.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Further, it is unlikely that Japan would throw caution to the wind and initiate the kind of wanton military strikes on North Korea that Korean nationalists dread. While Tokyo recognizes the DPRK as a threat, it is not a strategic challenge.<\/span><\/p>\n

Narushige Michishita, an expert on Korean Peninsula issues and Japanese defense policy at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, <\/span>told<\/span><\/a> Hankyoreh <\/span><\/i>that the U.S-Japan alliance must face threats on both Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSo it is unlikely that Japan will deliberately engage in an offensive operation against North Korea unless South Korea requests it,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>\n

UNCLEAR POLITICAL WINDS<\/b><\/p>\n

In any case, the reaction to the shift in Japan\u2019s defense policy shows that the attitude toward Japan is increasingly divided in Seoul, where anti-Japanese sentiment remains strong.<\/span><\/p>\n

Further, both President <\/span>Yoon Suk-yeol<\/span><\/a> and Prime Minister <\/span>Fumio Kishida<\/span><\/a> suffer from low approval rates in their respective countries, which means they will have limited opportunities to seek ambitious rapprochement goals.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, Yoon\u2019s inability to gain significant momentum or popularity with voters calls into doubt the longevity of his foreign policy achievements. Lingering suspicions of Japan are an obstacle to improving Korea-Japan relations. If South Korea\u2019s progressive nationalists use it as a political issue, it will become a much bigger problem.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by John Lee<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Defense & Security<\/span><\/a>Inter-Korean & Foreign Relations<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

When Japan unveiled its new National Security Strategy (NSS) and two other strategy documents last week, it signaled a significant turning point in Japan\u2019s defense policy as Tokyo enshrined its most significant military buildup since World War II. 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