{"id":2198153,"date":"2022-08-10T19:00:17","date_gmt":"2022-08-10T10:00:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nknews.org\/pro\/?p=2198153"},"modified":"2023-11-20T19:19:11","modified_gmt":"2023-11-20T10:19:11","slug":"south-koreas-lack-of-minority-protections-jeopardizes-its-global-reputation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2022\/08\/south-koreas-lack-of-minority-protections-jeopardizes-its-global-reputation\/","title":{"rendered":"South Korea\u2019s lack of minority protections jeopardizes its global reputation"},"content":{"rendered":"

When U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen visited South Korea\u2019s national bank in July, one of the top items on her agenda was a town hall event with the Bank of Korea\u2019s (BOK) female employees, reportedly prepared at her request.<\/span><\/p>\n

Why Yellen \u2014 the <\/span>only woman<\/span><\/a> in her economics Ph.D. class at Yale \u2014 chose to meet separately with Korean women in public service should be obvious: BOK Governor Rhee Chang-yong is a man, as were <\/span>all 26<\/span><\/a> of his predecessors. Among 976 cabinet-level peers appointed across the ROK\u2019s 74-year history, only <\/span>59 (6.36%)<\/span><\/a> were women.<\/span><\/p>\n

The highest levels of public service in Korea have always been an old boys club, and there\u2019s little indication that better days are on the horizon. But institutional misogyny is just one piece of the Korean government\u2019s persistent inability to serve all Koreans.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

While equal treatment under the law is a constitutional right in South Korea, the lack of broadly applicable implementing legislation means that the constitutional protection has no teeth. As a result, this thriving democracy best known for pop culture output like BTS and \u201cSquid Game\u201d also happens to have a legal regime for social minorities comparable with Jim Crow America.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

If a South Korean businessowner wants to affix a sign to their shop window saying \u201cno gays,\u201d \u201cno Blacks\u201d or \u201cno kids,\u201d there is very little the law can do to stop them.<\/span><\/p>\n

The contrast with Korea\u2019s democratic peers is becoming increasingly stark. Yellen\u2019s visit underlined this, as did the fact that foreign diplomats of 13 countries participated in the recent Seoul Queer Culture Festival, but no Korean government representatives. And this situation only risks damaging South Korea\u2019s reputation at a time when the Yoon Suk-yeol administration is trying to position his country as a \u201cglobal pivotal state.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

ANTI ANTI-DISCRIMINATION<\/b><\/p>\n

Efforts to address Korea\u2019s equality deficit with a comprehensive anti-discrimination law have floundered in embarrassing fashion.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

A bill proposed early during Moon Jae-In\u2019s liberal administration was buried at subcommittee level for the past five years \u2014 including two in which Moon\u2019s party held an overwhelming legislative majority.<\/span><\/p>\n

Yet <\/span>two-thirds<\/span><\/a> of the Korean public support an anti-discrimination law that would introduce much-needed legal protections for women, LGBTQ Koreans, racial minorities, North Korean defectors and other disadvantaged groups. Why then have Seoul\u2019s political elites blackballed this law for years?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The problem is demographics as much as politics. Just like the Korean government, Korean politics is dominated by men. They are overwhelmingly in their 50s and 60s, affluent and drawn from white-collar professions \u2014 lawyers, public servants, businessmen, journalists. Conservative or liberal, these old men tend to share a worldview where social issues take a backseat to more pressing business such as North Korea and the economy.<\/span><\/p>\n

This demographic also happens to be Korea\u2019s most churchgoing. 41% of National Assembly members (<\/span>81%<\/span><\/a> of whom are male) self-identify as <\/span>Christian<\/span><\/a>, as opposed to <\/span>only 20%<\/span><\/a> of the population at large.<\/span><\/p>\n

In particular, many are attendees of the influential and socially conservative megachurches that hold an outsize sway among political elite \u2014 the very same places that organize well-funded counter-rallies to events like queer festivals or the Constitutional Court\u2019s decriminalization of abortion.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

For example, the National Assembly recently elected as its speaker <\/span>Kim Jin-pyo<\/span><\/a>, a longtime stalwart of liberal politics who has strong church ties and has been one of the most outspoken opponents of an anti-discrimination law.<\/span><\/p>\n

Constrained by the biases of their upbringing and their allegiances to Christian fundamentalist groups, it\u2019s hardly a surprise that the old men running Korean politics have pushed equality to the very bottom of the legislative agenda.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

People Power Party members at a policy consultation meeting in the National Assembly, Aug. 10, 2022 | Image: People Power Party<\/a><\/em><\/p><\/div>\n

STRUCTURAL OBSTACLES<\/b><\/p>\n

The problem for Koreans is that they have been denied political alternatives.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Korean political parties have extremely restrictive procedures for selecting candidates to run for office. There are no meaningful primaries and no way to get into politics other than being selected by party leadership and jumping through whatever hoops they demand to prove your loyalty.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Unsurprisingly, the old, male and white collar party leadership tends to overwhelmingly choose people like themselves to become their colleagues.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Younger politicians with atypical backgrounds sometimes rise to prominence, but are mostly exploited for their symbolic value and quickly discarded. A recent example is <\/span>Park Ji-Hyun<\/span><\/a>: The Democratic Party appointed the 26-year-old activist against sexual violence as temporary chair to show its willingness to take the youth vote seriously after its presidential election defeat, only to quickly dispose of her when she pushed for action against sexual misconduct among party elites.<\/span><\/p>\n

Partisan operatives love to point to outliers like Park to prove their party is open-minded and dynamic. They are also often the first to turn against non-traditional leaders and demand a return to safety-blanket politics with familiar old men in charge.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The resulting calcification is undeniable: the average age of a National Assembly member in 1988 after South Korea democratized was 50.9. Over three decades later, that average age has <\/span>gone up<\/span><\/a> to 55.7, despite a massive uptick in youth interest in politics.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

FALLING BEHIND<\/b><\/p>\n

South Korea\u2019s equality deficit and the demographic stasis in politics at its core has become an urgent issue that civic-minded Koreans dare not ignore. Even relative to its democratic peers \u2014 who have their own serious issues with discrimination \u2014 Korea is falling behind.<\/span><\/p>\n

When Yellen spoke to BOK Governor Rhee, or when LGBTQ diplomats speak to a Korean official, it surely does not escape their notice that they are speaking to representatives of a government institutionally configured to exclude people like them.<\/span><\/p>\n

It\u2019s true that America and others frequently ally themselves with non-democracies with even worse records on minority rights, but South Korea will not want to keep company with such nations. We are, after all, entering an era of international relations where shared values among democracies will often trump dollars and cents.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Will Seoul ever lose a trade deal, or get excluded from a key summit meeting, because it doesn\u2019t have an anti-discrimination law, or doesn\u2019t allow women to take important positions in government? We won\u2019t know until it happens. But given it\u2019s the right thing to do anyway, why should South Korea risk finding out?<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cA tiny country like this surrounded by hostile foreign powers would be imperiled even if we put all of our talent to full use\u00a0 . . .\u00a0 Yet we exclude many of our own from the path to success, then turn around and lament that there is no talent in this country\u00a0 . . . It is embarrassing to imagine what our neighbors would think of us if they found out.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Heo Gyun, one of Korea\u2019s most celebrated writers, <\/span>wrote<\/span><\/a> those words \u2014 not in 2022, but in 1613. Yet despite having gone from medieval monarchy to vibrant democracy in the intervening centuries, Korea remains hobbled by its inability to recognize over half its population as equal and valuable contributors to society.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Its neighbors have already found out. It\u2019s now up to the Korean people to think on whether allowing the same group of familiar old men to run every aspect of public life is worth the undeniable damage to the country\u2019s international standing.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by Bryan Betts<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Culture & Society<\/span><\/a>Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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