{"id":2196507,"date":"2022-06-02T18:06:58","date_gmt":"2022-06-02T09:06:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nknews.org\/pro\/?p=2196507"},"modified":"2023-04-05T16:12:19","modified_gmt":"2023-04-05T07:12:19","slug":"local-election-defeat-a-reckoning-for-south-korean-liberals-on-gender-issues","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/koreapro.org\/2022\/06\/local-election-defeat-a-reckoning-for-south-korean-liberals-on-gender-issues\/","title":{"rendered":"Local election defeat a reckoning for South Korean liberals on gender issues"},"content":{"rendered":"

Another election, another demoralizing loss for South Korea\u2019s Democratic Party. The results of Wednesday\u2019s local elections were full of concerning numbers for Seoul\u2019s liberals: They suffered defeats in 12 of 17 key mayoral and gubernatorial elections and five of seven legislative by-elections.<\/span><\/p>\n

But one set of numbers should be of special concern: turnout among young women voters.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Only 35.8% of women in their 20s and 41.9% of women in their 30s <\/span>voted<\/span><\/a>, relative to an overall turnout of 50.9%. Both demographics are down 15-20 points from the 2018 local elections, which the Democrats won convincingly.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In most electoral democracies, young women are among the liberal party\u2019s most reliable constituencies. But in their extended fall from grace, Seoul\u2019s liberals appear to have driven them away from the polls in droves.<\/span><\/p>\n

While these numbers exist within the context of an overall low-turnout year, they are nevertheless surprising given the increasing prominence of gender issues in Korean politics. On the campaign trail and in the early days of his presidency, conservative Yoon Suk-yeol has <\/span>displayed<\/span><\/a> a proclivity toward anti-feminist dog whistles: from a declaration that \u201cinstitutional misogyny no longer exists\u201d to his repudiation of \u201cgender quotas\u201d in his predecessor\u2019s cabinet \u2014 rhetoric that became reality when Yoon initially appointed a nearly all-male cabinet.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

While Yoon has made an effort to appear more inclusive in recent weeks, Seoul\u2019s conservatives still have a long way to go before they escape their reputation as the party of <\/span>angry and resentful young men<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

These conservative missteps should have led to an unprecedented mobilization of young women voters behind the Democratic banner. The reason it hasn\u2019t is simple: While their conservative rivals have loudly taken a side in the newly emerging culture wars, Democrats have not emerged as a credible counterweight. To the contrary, they have left voters of both sexes who support gender equality unsure about whose side they are even on.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

People Power Party leader Lee Jun-seok and other members of South Korea’s ruling party celebrate their landslide victory in the local elections held on June 1, 2022 | Image: People Power Party <\/a><\/p><\/div>\n

GENDER TROUBLE<\/b><\/p>\n

The Democratic Party\u2019s troubles with women voters began in earnest two years ago when Seoul Mayor Park Won-soon, arguably the second-most prominent liberal politician in the country after then-President Moon Jae-in, suddenly died by suicide<\/a> in the face of sexual assault allegations. Despite the graphic nature of his crimes, Park was eulogized as a hero by party leadership \u2014 including Moon, who sent flowers affixed with the presidential seal to his funeral.<\/span><\/p>\n

In some corners of the party, ignorance metastasized into malice, with supporters launching coordinated harassment campaigns against Park\u2019s victim, sometimes even spurred on by elected officials.<\/span><\/p>\n

The ensuing two years have been an extended effort to walk back from the Democratic Party\u2019s full-throated support of Park, as well as its failure to fully repudiate other high-profile sexual predators in its ranks such as one-time presidential contender and now convicted rapist Ahn Hee-jung.<\/span><\/p>\n

Belatedly recognizing its predicament after its presidential election defeat earlier this year, the Democratic Party <\/span>appointed<\/span><\/a> 26-year-old activist Park Ji-hyun, best known for busting a digital sex crime ring, to temporarily chair the party in an effort to improve its image with young women. Unfortunately, Park\u2019s figurehead leadership has only served to accentuate the institutional misogyny still rampant among party rank-and-file.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Park clashed repeatedly with party leadership in her efforts to <\/span>impose harsh discipline<\/span><\/a> on two Democratic lawmakers found to have engaged in sexual misconduct in the months leading up to the election. She was also subject to incessant harassment by supporters of her own party, who saw her as an unwelcome outsider. Park has said she receives more than <\/span>10,000 threatening text messages<\/span><\/a> a day on average.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Park <\/span>resigned<\/span><\/a> from her position on Thursday in the wake of the party\u2019s resounding defeat. Her inexperienced leadership and the party\u2019s abortive dalliance with woke politics will no doubt make a convenient scapegoat for the powerful old men who made her job untenable from day one.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Park Ji-hyun (right), temporary chair of the Democratic Party, at a campaign event on May 21, 2022. Park resigned following the party’s defeat in the June 1 local elections. | Image: Democratic Party’s YouTube\u00a0<\/a><\/p><\/div>\n

REINVENTING THE KOREAN LEFT<\/b><\/p>\n

The past, present and seemingly inevitable future election woes of the Democratic Party cannot be pinned on any one person, however. It is neither the presidential missteps of Moon Jae-in, nor the personal shortcomings of Lee Jae-myeong, nor even the crimes of Park Won-soon that have left the party in its current malaise.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Rather, it is an overarching failure to recognize that the central axis of South Korean politics has moved away from the decadeslong clash between the pro-democratic, nationalistic Left and authoritarian, pro-U.S. alliance Right, which had defined the country\u2019s politics from liberation to the turn of the century. Gone are the days where a grizzled Democratic Party veteran could simply flash his 80s democracy activist bona fides and be put on a pedestal as beyond reproach.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

For young liberals in Korea, what you believe in now matters far more than what you\u2019ve done in the past. It matters to them for a self-proclaimed liberal party to be comfortable with speaking out against sexual predators in their own ranks, to be an outspoken advocate against institutional misogyny and to take a principled stand on other social issues \u2014 such as the oft-discussed but long-delayed <\/span>anti-discrimination law<\/span><\/a>. These are voters that need a reason to feel excited to head to the polls.<\/span><\/p>\n

Hardcore partisans who argue that such woke politics are ill-suited to the landscape of Korean realpolitik are seriously misguided. If the median Korean voter is not as familiar with such issues today as the median Western voter is, that is because the party that should be their natural spokesperson has steadfastly declined to be one.<\/span><\/p>\n

A Democratic Party reoriented as a full-throated advocate for equality will benefit South Korea both ethically and politically. Not only would it shift the Overton window of Korean politics to shed some much-needed light onto marginalized communities, it would also recapture the passion of the young liberal voters that should have always been the backbone of their support.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

To paraphrase the late President Kim Dae-Jung and his influential piece \u201c<\/span>Is Culture Destiny?<\/span><\/a>,\u201d there is nothing inherently Korean about indifference toward women, immigrant workers or the LGBTQ community. The biggest obstacle is not cultural heritage, but the resistance of old-fashioned party leadership and their apologists. Regressive, insular politics need not be the destiny of Korean liberals. Equality should be.<\/span><\/p>\n

The party of Kim Dae-jung now has two years to self-reflect before a critical midterm election that could wipe out their legislative majority \u2014 and with it their final claim to relevance in Korean politics. They will find no salvation by continuing to retreat inward and deflecting criticism. Rather, the future of the Democratic Party lies in measuring up to the daunting task of creating a vision that will allow a new generation of liberals to feel pride in voting for them.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edited by Bryan Betts<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Culture & Society<\/span><\/a>Domestic Politics<\/span><\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Another election, another demoralizing loss for South Korea\u2019s Democratic Party. The results of Wednesday\u2019s local elections were full of concerning numbers for Seoul\u2019s liberals: They suffered defeats in 12 of 17 key mayoral and gubernatorial elections and five of seven legislative by-elections. 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